The Igbo, sometimes referred to as Ibo, are one of the largest single ethnicities in Africa. Most Igbo speakers are based in southeastern Nigeria, constituting about 17 percent of the population; they can also be found in significant numbers in Cameroon and other African countries. It is believed the Igbo originated in an area about 100 miles north of their current location at the confluence of the Niger and Benue Rivers.
The Igbo share linguistic ties with their neighbors the Bini, Igala, Yoruba, and Idoma, with whom it is believed they were closely related until five to six thousand years ago. The first Igbo in the region may have moved onto the Awka-Orlu plateau between four and five thousand years ago.
The Igbo came to worldwide attention in the 1960s when they attempted to secede from Nigeria and form the independent Republic of Biafra.

Igbo “Ndi Igbo”

Olaudah Equiano • Nnamdi Azikiwe • “Emeka” Ojukwu • Francis Arinze

Total population
20–30 million[1]

Regions with significant populations
Cameroon, United Kingdom, United States of America

Christianity, traditional, Judaism
Related ethnic groups
Ikwerre, Idoma
Archaeological, linguistic, botanical and anthropological evidence suggest that the Igbo and their ancestors have lived in their present homes from the beginning of human history.
The origins of the Igbo people has been the subject of much speculation, and it is only in the last 50 years that any real work has been carried out in this subject:
“Like any group of people, they are anxious to discover their origin and reconstruct how they came to be how they are. …their experiences under colonialism and since Nigeria’s Independence have emphasized for them the reality of their group identity which they want to anchor into authenticated history.”
According to Professor A. E. Afigbo, a scholar of Igbo heritage, “the Igbo, and perhaps the Idoma and most likely the Ijaw (Ijo), would appear to be the one of the only surviving coherent ethnic groups from the first set of proto-Kwa speakers to penetrate the forest areas of Southern Nigeria and who at one time occupied areas as far to the west as Ile-Ife in Yorubaland.
Igboland is the home of the Igbo people and it covers most of Southeast Nigeria. This area is divided by the Niger River into two unequal sections – the eastern region (which is the largest) and the midwestern region. The river, however, has not acted as a barrier to cultural unity; rather it has provided an easy means of communication in an area where many settlements claim different origins. Today’s Igbos are also surrounded on all sides by other tribes (the Bini, Warri, Ijaw, Ogoni, Igala, Tiv, Yako and Ibibio).

Pre-colonial life
Pre-colonial Igbo political organization was based on communities, devoid of kings or governing chiefs. The development of a heterarchical society, as opposed to a hetriarchical society, marks Igbo development as sharply divergent from political trends in pre-colonial West Africa. With the exception of Igbo towns such as Onitsha, which had kings called Obis, and places like Nri and Arochukwu, which had priest kings known as Ezes, most Igbo village governments were ruled solely by an assembly of the common people.
Although titleholders were respected because of their accomplishments, they were never revered as kings. Their responsibility in society was to perform special functions given to them by the assemblies, not to make laws or dictate policy. This way of governing was immensely different from most other communities of Western Africa, and only shared by the Ewe of Ghana.
In the absence of judicial authority, the Igbo settled law matters by oath-taking to a god. If that person died in a certain amount of time, he was guilty. If not, he was free to go, but if guilty, that person could face exile or servitude to a deity. [3]
The Igbo followed a calendar in which a week had four days. A month consisted of seven weeks, while thirteen months made a year. In the last month, an extra day was added. This calendar is still in use in villages and towns to determine the market days.
The early Igbo utilized a mathematics system known as Okwe and Mkpisi, and used a saving and loans bank system called Isusu.
Igbo secret societies also had a ceremonial script called Nsibidi.
The Colonial period
The arrival of the British in the 1870s increased encounters between the Igbo and other Nigerians, leading to a deepening sense of a distinct Igbo ethnic identity. Under British colonial rule, the diversity within each of Nigeria’s major ethnic groups slowly decreased and distinctions between the Igbo and other large ethnic groups, such as the Hausa and the Yoruba became sharper.
Modern history
The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafran War, of July 1967 through January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted secession of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The war became notorious for the starvation in some of the besieged war-bound regions, and the consequent claims of genocide made by the Igbo people of those regions.
As a consequence of the war, Igboland had been severely devastated and many hospitals, schools, and homes had been completely destroyed. The Federal government denied the Igbo people access to all the hard currencies that had been saved in Nigerian banks before the war, only allowing a minuscule compensation of £20 per adult bank account holder in exchange for their savings, no matter the size.
In addition to the loss of their savings, many Igbo found themselves discriminated against by other ethnic groups and the new non-Igbo federal government. Due to the discrimination of employers, many Igbo had trouble finding employment, and the Igbo became one of the poorest ethnic groups in Nigeria during the early 1970s.
Igboland was gradually rebuilt over a period of twenty years and the economy was again prospering due to the rise of the petroleum industry in the adjacent Niger Delta, which led to new factories being built in southern Nigeria. Many Igbo eventually regained government positions. The Igbo, however, continue to face many problems and challenges, such as continued discrimination and forced emigration due to overpopulation.
The Igbo are a profoundly religious people who believe in a benevolent creator, usually known as Chukwu, who created the visible universe (uwa), and is especially associated with rain, trees and other plants. According to the traditional religion of the Igbo, there is no concept of a gender type such as “man” or “woman” associated with the supreme deity Chukwu.
The Igbo believe in the concept of Ofo and Ogu, which is a governing law of retributive justice. It is believed that Ofo and Ogu will vindicate anyone that is wrongly accused of a crime as long as “his hands are clean.” It is only the one who is on the side of Ogu-na-Ofo that can call its name in prayer, otherwise such a person will face the wrath of Amadioha (the god of thunder and lightning). Tied to redistributive justice, Igbo believe that each person has their own personal god (“Chi”), which is credited for an individual’s fortune or misfortune.
Apart from the natural level of the universe, they also believe that another plane exists, which is filled with spiritual forces, called the alusi. The alusi are minor deities, and have the capacity to perform good or evil, depending on circumstances. They punish social offenses and those who unwittingly infringe upon the privileges of the gods. In order to commune with the spiritual level of the universe, diviners exist to interpret the wishes of the alusi. The alusi can also be reached through the priesthood, which placates them with sacrifices. Either a priest is chosen through hereditary lineage or is chosen by a particular god for his service, usually after passing through a number of mystical experiences.
Native religious beliefs
Minor deities claimed an enormous part of the daily lives of the people, due to the belief that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect the population and serve their interests. Some of the most common are:
• Ala – the earth-goddess, the spirit of fertility of man as well as the productivity of the land.
• Igwe – the sky-god. This god was not appealed to for rain however, as was the full-time profession of the rain-makers.
• Imo miri – the spirit of the river. The Igbo believe that a big river has a spiritual aspect; it is forbidden to fish in such deified rivers.
• Mbatuku– the spirit of wealth.
• Agwo – a spirit envious of other’s wealth, always in need of servitors.
• Aha njuku or Ifejioku – the yam spirit.
• Ikoro – the drum spirit.
• Ekwu – the hearth spirit, which is woman’s domestic spirit.
The afterlife
There is a strong Igbo belief that the spirits of one’s ancestors keep a constant watch over the living, and must be placated through prayer. Ancestors who had lived well, died in socially approved ways, and were given correct burial rites, were allowed to continue the afterlife in a world of the dead. The world of dead that was filled with honored ancestors mirrored the world of the living, and deceased relatives were periodically reincarnated among the living. The reincarnated dead were given the name ndichie, meaning “the returners.” Those who died bad deaths and lack correct burial rites cannot return to the world of the living, or enter that of the dead. They wander homeless, expressing their grief by causing destruction among their living counterparts.
The funeral ceremonies and burials of the Igbo people are extremely complex, the most elaborate of all being the funeral of a chief. However, elaborate funeral ceremonies were not granted to those who died from the several kinds of deaths that are considered shameful, and in these circumstances no burial is provided at all. Women who died during childbirth, children who die before they have teeth, those who commit suicide and those who die in the sacred month – for these people their funeral ceremony consists of being thrown into a bush. Also seen as shameful, multiple births were considered part of the animal world and twins were put to death, as were animals produced at single births. Children who were born with teeth, or whose upper teeth came first, babies born feet first, boys with only one testicle, and lepers, were all killed and their bodies discarded in secrecy.
Religious taboos, especially those surrounding priests and titled men, involved a great deal of asceticism. The Igbo expected in their prayers and sacrifices, blessings such as long, healthy, and prosperous lives, and especially children, who were considered the greatest blessing of all. The desire to offer the most precious sacrifice of all led to human sacrifice; slaves were often sacrificed at funerals in order to provide a retinue for the dead man in life to come. There was no shrine to Chukwu, nor were sacrifices made directly to him, but he was understood to be the ultimate receiver of all sacrifices made to the minor deities.
Modern Religion
Some Igbo still practice traditional Igbo religion. Although the Igbo have been largely Christianized due to a large missionary presence in Nigeria, indigenous belief systems retain some influence, particularly in the suburban and rural villages. As with most Christianized peoples, Christian Igbos incorporated many of the culture’s indigenous values, customs and traditions into their own systems of Christian worship, merely deemphasizing their origins. Most of the Christian Igbos are Roman Catholics.
Igbo Jews
Members of Jewish Igbo believe that they are descendants of Jews who had migrated to western Africa over many centuries via migrations south into sub-Saharan Africa, as well as west across North Africa, possibly following the path of the Arab conquests. Some Nigerian Jews hold that families amongst the community are descendants of Kohanim and Levites, the Jewish priests and their assistants who functioned in the Temple of Jerusalem, who settled in West Africa during the days of the Songhai, Mali, and Ghana empires.
According to the Igbo lore of the Eri, Nri, and Ozubulu families, Igbo ethnic groups with Israelite descent comprise the following three lineage types:
• Benei Gath: The Tribe of Gath ben-Ya`aqov (Gad), who was the eighth son of the Israelite patriarch Ya`aqov (Jacob). This group traces its lineage through Gath’s son Eri ben-Gath. The groups from this lineage comprise the Aguleri, Umuleri, Oreri, Enugwu Ikwu, Ogbunike, Awkuzu, Nteje, and Igbariam clans.
• Benei Zevulun: The tribe of Zevulun ben-Ya`aqov (Zebulun), who was the fifth son of Ya`aqov (Jacob). These groups comprise the Ubulu Okiti and Ubulu Ukwu clans in Delta State who settled in Ubulu Ihejiofor. According to oral tradition, it is said that a descendant of the Tribe of Zevulun named Zevulunu, on the advice of a certain Levite, married a woman from Oji, who was descended from the Tribe of Judah, and from this union was born Ozubulu ben-Zebulunu. Ozubulu then went on to have four sons of his own who settled in other regions. These sons were: Amakwa, from whom a clan in Neni, Anambra State is descended, and Egbema, from whom the Egbema Ugwuta clan in Imo State and the Ohaji Egbema clan in Rivers State are descended.
• Benei Menashe: The Tribe of Menasheh ben-Yoseph (Manasseh). Menasheh who was one of the grandsons of Ya`aqov (Jacob) through his 11th son Yoseph (Joseph). According to the Torah, Jacob claimed both Menasheh and his brother Ephrayim as his own sons. It is theorized that the Igbos of the Amichi, Ichi and Nnewi-Ichi clans are descended from this lineage.
Israel has, to date, not recognized the Igbo as one of the Lost Tribes of Israel. It took many years before the Chief Rabbinate recognized the Bnei Menashe as Jews, and it is thought that in due time the Igbo will also be recognized as descendants of Israel. One of the theories as to why Israel is reluctant to recognize the Igbo is because it has enjoyed good relations with Nigeria, and as the Igbo are a secessionist tribe, recognizing them as part of Israel may injure political and economic ties between the two countries. In 1967, Israel covertly transferred arms captured during the 1967 Six-Day War to Biafra, to help the Igbos liberate themselves and officially declare independence from Nigeria. [6] [7] This Igbo effort culminated in the Biafra War, led by Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu.
Traditionally, the Igbo have been subsistence farmers, their main staples being yam, its harvesting is a time for great celebration. Other staples are cassava, and taro. Corn (maize), melons, pumpkins, okra, and beans are also grown. Kinship groups own the land communally and make it available to individuals.
The principal exports are palm oil and palm kernels, harvested from the fruit of the palm tree. Exported to Europe in large quantities, it is a profitable cash crop. Trading, local crafts, and physical labor are also important to the economy. A high literacy rate has helped many to become civil servants and business entrepreneurs. Igbo women engage in trade and are influential in local politics. [8]
The Igbo have a rhythm of music which consists of drums , flute, Ogene, Igba, Ichaka and other instruments. When accompanied by vocals this style of music is called Ikorodo. Another popular musical form among the Igbo tribe is “Highlife,” which is a fusion of jazz and traditional music and is widely popular in all of West Africa.
The Igbo people largely speak the Igbo language, a tonal language, such as Yoruba and Chinese. The language was used by John Goldsmith as an example to justify deviating from the classical linear model of phonology as laid out in The Sound Pattern of English. It is written in the Roman script.
The Igbo diaspora
Following the Nigerian Civil War of the late 1960s, many Igbo emigrated out of the traditional Igbo homeland in southeastern Nigeria due to a growing population. Not only have the Igbo people moved to Nigerian cities including Port Harcourt, Lagos, Benin City, and Abuja, but have also moved to other countries such as Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Ghana, Togo, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States. Prominent Igbo communities outside Africa include those of London England, Houston Texas, California, Atlanta Georgia and Washington, DC.


Water is the world’s most available resource. It occupies about 70.9% of the earth surface and also serves as a home for aquatic animals. It’s a chemical substance with the chemical formula H2O in its purified state. A water molecule contains one oxygen and two hydrogen atoms connected by covalent bonds. Water is a liquid at ambient conditions, but it often co-exists on earth with its solid state, ice and gaseous state (water vapor or steam). Water also exists in a liquid crystal state near hydrophilic surface. Water is continually dissolving or depositing solids. The phrase depositing solids encompasses the scope of this work. These deposited solids are classified as scale or foulant – commonly occur together. This study focuses on scale type deposits.
Scale is a hard, adherent mineral deposit that usually precipitate from solution and grows in places. It is a crystalline form of deposit. Cooling waters contains a large number of these potential scale and deposit-causing constituents. These include soluble ions (such as calcium, magnesium, soluble silica, zinc and iron salts) that precipitates as insoluble deposits when they encounter changes in water temperature, pH, concentration or incompatible addictives. Examples of these deposits are calcium carbonate (CaCO3), Calcium phosphate (Ca(PO4)), silica, iron hydroxides, sulfides, calcium sulfate (CaSO4), magnesium salt, zinc sulfate and zinc hydroxide.

Scale described economically as a menace to an oilfield. The build-up of scale causes loss of millions of dollars every year. Thereby this work is aimed at the considering “the formation, effects and also remedy of scale” due to the cost of stimulating an oil flowline (or at worst replacing it).

The major problems caused by scale formation
• Reduced oil production
• Well plugging
• Reduction in pipe carrying capacity
• Impedance of heat transfer
• Increase in operational safety hazards
• Localization of corrosion attack
• Increases in operational costs
In production operations, scale problems may be encountered whenever water is produced with oil and gas due to the destabilization of water caused by changes as fluids pass through the production processing equipment.
A complete understanding of scale phenomenal (formation, its effects and remedy in a crude oil flowline) requires intensive and prolonged study. However, a general knowledge of the subject can be gained through a review of the various ways in which scale manifest itself, the factors that govern scale formation process and the means available for prevention of scale.
Scale removal techniques must be quick, non-damaging to the wellbore, tubing or formation environment, and effective at preventing re-precipitation. The best scale removal technique depends on knowing the type and quantity of scale, and its physical composition and texture. A poor choice of removal method can actually produce rapid recurrence of scale.
This work will provide a concise solution which will serve as a guide to those in the oil and gas sector to install pipelines in an environment that will be more favorable.
Water is of primary importance, since scale will occur only if water is produced. Water is a solvent for many materials and can carry large quantities of scaling minerals, all natural water contain with mineral phases in the natural environment. Scale begins to form when the state of any natural fluid is perturbed such that the solubility limit for more components is exceeded. (Autumm 1999)
Formation damage occurs during the life of many wells. Loss of well performance because of formation of scale has been the subject of several review articles. Fines migration, inorganic scale, emulsion blockage, asphaltene and other organic deposition are a few mechanism that cause scale formation (Nasr-El-Din, 2003).
Precipitation of mineral scales causes many effects in oil and gas production operations: formation damage, production losses, increased workovers in producers and injectors, poor injection water quality, and equipment failure due to under-deposit corrosion. The most common mineral scales are sulfates and carbonates based mineral. However, scale problems are not limited to these minerals and there have recently been reports of unusual scale types such as zinc and leads sulfides (Collins and Jordan, 2003).

Scale deposition is a complex crystallization process. Most natural waters contain considerable quantities of dissolved impurities, which are present as ions. Combinations of some of these ions form compounds that have low solubility in water. When the water’s limited capacity to dissolve these compounds is exceeded (supersaturated), then these compounds can precipitate as solids. The time it time it takes for an initial scale layer to form and its subsequent rate of growth are determined by the interaction of several rate processes examples are ( supersaturation, nucleation, contact time, adherence, crystal growth).
` a solution is saturated if it is in equilibrium with its solute ( i.e dissolved compounds). Supersaturation is when a solution contains higher concentrations of dissolved compounds than the equilibrium concentration. It can come about for a number of reasons such as;
1 change in temperature of a water
2 change in pH of a water
3 change in pressure on a water
4 change in agitation
5 comingling of incompatible waters
6 change in concentration of solute i.e mineral ions.

Nucleation is the initial formation of a precipitate. There are two mechanisms;
Homogeneous nucleation which does not require the presence of a foreign substance; this is not a likely mechanism because in nature it is not likely that environments free from foreign nucleating sites will be experienced.
Heterogeneous nucleation which require the presence of a foreign substance to trigger nucleation. The foreign substance can be one of a number of things, example;
(a) foreign scale nuclei or corrosion products
(b) welds/stress points on metal surface
(c) corrosion sites on metal surface
(d) scratches on metal surfaces
(e) small particles of suspended solids
Contact time
For scale to form after a solution has become supersaturated and nucleation has occurred, there must be sufficient contact time between the solution and the nucleating sites on the surface. Generally, the longer the contact time, the more likely the scale formation becomes.
Corroding surface are more likely to promote scale deposition than noncorroding surfaces. Studies using polished surfaces indicate that microscopic roughness, whether natural or produced by corrosion; makes subsequent scale deposits more adherent.
Crystal growth
Although the solubility limit must be exceeded for scale to form, the rate of scale formation is controlled by the presence or absence of scale inhibitor and other factors. The rate of crystal growth and the rate of inhibition of crystal growth can be studied by monitoring the amount of inhibitor required to keep the calcium level constant during periods when solubility limits are exceeded. (i.e during scale formation).

Solubility is defined as the limiting amount of solute that can dissolve in a solvent under a given set of physical conditions. When a sufficiently large amount of solute is maintained in contact with a limited amount of solvent, dissolution occurs continuously till the solution reaches a state when the reserve process becomes equally important. This reverse process is the return of dissolved species (atoms, ions, or molecules) to the un-dissolved state, a process called precipitation.
When the temperature or concentration of a solvent is increased, the solubility may increase, decrease, or remain constant depending on the nature of the system. For example, if the dissolution process is exothermic, the solubility decrease with increased temperature; if endothermic, the solubility increase with temperature.
There are two solubilities of scale;
(1) Calcium, strontium, barium sulfates, and calcium carbonate solubilities.
(2) Zinc sulfide, lead sulfide, and iron sulfide solubilities.

(1) Calcium, Strontium, Barium Sulfates, and Calcium Carbonate Solubilities

The chemical species of interest to us are present in aqueous solutions as ions. Certain combinations of these ions lead to compounds, which have very little solubility in water. The water has a limited capacity for maintaining those compounds in solution and once this capacity (i.e. solubility) is exceeded, the water becomes supersaturated; and the compounds precipitate from solution as solids. The solubilities of typical oilfield scales are given in Figure 2.3 (Connell, 1983).
Although the solubility curves (Figure 2.3) of these crystalline forms versus temperature show that above about 40 ºC (104 ºF), anhydrite is the chemically stable form, it is known from experience that gypsum is the form most likely to precipitate up to a temperature of about 100 ºC (212 ºF). Above this temperature, hemihydrate becomes less soluble than gypsum and will normally be the form precipitated. This, in turn, can dehydrate to form a scale at temperatures below 100 ºC and hemihydrate forms above this temperature (Connell, 1983).
Therefore, precipitation of solid materials, which may form scale, will occur if:
(a) The water contains ions, which are capable of forming compounds of limited solubility.
(b) There is a change in the physical conditions or water composition, lowering the solubility.
Factors that affect scale precipitation, deposition and crystal growth can be summarized as: supersaturation, temperature, pressure, ionic strength, evaporation, contact time, and pH. Effective scale control should be one of the primary objectives
of any efficient water injection and normal production operation in oil and gas fields
(2) Zinc Sulfide, Lead Sulfide, and Iron Sulfide Solubilities

Lead and zinc sulfide solubility is much lower even than iron sulfide, which is the common sulfide in oil field environments. The very low solubility of lead and zinc sulfide would make it unlikely that zinc/lead and sulfide ions could exist together in solution for any length of time.
It is more likely that the zinc/lead ion source mixes with the hydrogen sulfide-rich source within the near wellbore or the production tubing during fluid extraction; form then on, changes in temperature, solution pH, and residence time control where scales deposit within the process system.
For example, in a 1M (mole/dm3) NaCl brine solution as presented in Figure 2.6 at pH = 5 the solubility of iron sulfide is 65 ppm, whereas lead and zinc sulfides are 0.002 ppm and 0.063 ppm respectively. Depending on the exact brine conditions, the solubility of zinc sulfide is between 30 to 100 times more soluble than lead sulfide. As with iron sulfide, the solubility of both lead and zinc sulfide increases with increasing solution pH (Collins and Jordan, 2001).

1.5.1 Effects Of Scale in Oil flowline
Scale deposition is one of the most serious problems where water injection systems are engaged in. Generally, scale deposited in downhole pumps, tubing, casing flowlines, heater treaters, tanks and other production equipment and facilities. The failure of production equipment and instruments could result in safety hazards (Yeboah, 1993).
The formation of inorganic mineral scale within onshore and offshore production facilities around the world is a relatively common problem. Scale can form from a single produced connate or aquifer water due to changes in temperature and pressure, or when two incompatible waters mix. An example of the latter would be seawater support of a reservoir where the formation water is rich in cations (Ba, Sr and Ca) and the injection water is rich in anions (SO4). The production of such comingled fluids results in the formation of inorganic scale deposits.
Oilfield scales costs are high due to intense oil and gas production decline, frequently pulling of downhole equipment for replacement, re-perforation of the producing intervals, re-drilling of plugged oil wells, stimulation of plugged oil bearing formations, and other remedial workovers through production and injection wells. As scale deposits around the wellbore, the porous media of formation becomes plugged and may be rendered impermeable to any fluids (McElhiney,2001).
1.5.2 Effect of Supersaturation
Supersaturation is the most important reason behind mineral precipitation. A supersaturated is the primary cause of scale formation and occurs when a solution contains dissolved materials which are at higher concentrations than their equilibrium concentration. The degree of supersaturation, also known as the scaling index, is the driving force for the precipitation reaction and a high supersaturation, therefore, implies high possibilities for salt precipitation.
1.5.3 Effect of Temperature
Heating the reservoir water tends to precipitate calcium sulfate, calcium sulfate is less soluble at higher temperatures. Calcium sulfate is often observed on the fire tubes of heater theaters. Calcium carbonate also tends to precipitate more at decrease solubility at higher temperatures. Although this increase can be several-fold, solubility still remains at a low level (Connell 1983).
According to (Oddo 1991), calcium carbonate solubility has an inverse relationship with temperature or stated more simply, CaCO3 scale becomes more insoluble with increasing temperature and a solution at equilibrium with CaCO3 will precipitate the solid as the temperature is increased. The tendency to form CaCO3 also increase with increases with increasing pH (as the solution becomes less acid) (Jacques and Bourland 1983).

1.5.4 Effect of Pressure
The sulfate of calcium, barium and strontium are more soluble at higher pressures. Consequently, formation water will often precipitate a sulfate scale when pressure is reduced during production. The scale may deposit round the wellbore, at the perforations, or in the downhole pump if used. Barium sulfate is common at perforations or downstream of chokes, where the pressure is reduced considerably (Connell 1983).
The solubility of scale formation in a two-phase system increases with increased pressure for two reason (Morghadasi 2004)
(1) Increased pressure increase the partial pressure of CO2 and increases the solubility of CaCO3 in water.
(2) Increased pressure also increases the solubility due to thermodynamic consideration.

1.5.5 Effects of Ionic Strength
The solubility of calcium sulfate is strongly affected by the presence and concentration of other ions in the system. The solubility of calcium sulfate is an order of magnitude larger than that of strontium sulfate, with in turn is about one and one-half order of magnitude larger than that of barium sulfate,
The solubility of strontium sulfate can be larger than 950 mg/l. This solubility is depressed remarkably. This is known as the common ion effect (Lindlof and Stoffer 1983). The solubility reaches a maximum in highly concentrated brines.

Relative solubilities of three sulfates in brine (Lindlof and Stoffer, 1983)

1.5.6 Effects of pH
The amount of CO2 present in the water affects the pH of the water and the solubility of calcium carbonate. However it really does not matter what causes the acidity or alkalinity of the water. The lower the pH the less likely is CaCO3 precipitation. Conversely, the higher pH, the more likely that precipitation will occur (Moghadasi 2004)

1.5.7 Effect of Carbon dioxide partial pressure
As opposed to most sulfate scale, the prediction of carbonate scale requires not only the consideration of pressure, temperature, and water composition, but also the knowledge on the chemical reactions within the brine and CO2 in the gas phase. Most oilfield flow lines contain carbonate mineral cements and carbon dioxide, therefore the formation water normally saturated with calcium carbonate under crude flow lines condition where the temperature can be as high as 200̊ C and the pressure up to 30MPa.
Solubility of calcium carbonate is greatly influenced by the carbon dioxide content of the water. CaCO3 solubility increases with increased CO2 partial pressure. The effect becomes less pronounced as the temperature increases. The reverse is also true. It is one of the major causes of CaCO3 scale deposition (Moghadasi, 2004).
1.5.8 The area that can experience scale
(1) The reservoir perforation at the well bore
There are many fields that inject seawater into the reservoir to maintain pressure and maximize extraction of hydrocarbon. Many of the natural formation waters contain barium and strontium but no sulfite, while seawater contains sulfate but no barium/strontium. When these waters commingle in the well bore or reservoir perforation area, precipitate of barium sulfate or strontium sulfate may occur, sometimes calcium sulfate as well.
(2) Well tubular
As the produced fluids pass up the well to the surface there can be changes in temperature and pressure which can;
(a) Destabilize the natural formation water. In certain fields the water contains bicarbonate and is saturated with carbon dioxide. If the pressure drops in the fluids as they pass up the well then calcium carbonate precipitate may occur.
(b) Destabilize further the mixture of sea water and formation water causing further deposition of barium sulfate, strontium sulfate etc.
(3) Downhole safety valve
This area suffers from the same potential scale problems. In addition since the downhole safety valve causes a restriction in the diameter of the well tubular, there is a significant pressure drop and turbulence created which can cause further destabilization of the produced fluids.
(4) Choke
The choke is a pressure reducing/flow control valve. An indication of the high pressure drop and turbulence induced in this area is that the diameter of many well tubular are 4 and half while the diameter of the choke is typically I,
(5) Production flow lines
In production flow lines scale problems can be experienced due to;
(a) Destabilization of natural formation water due to reduction in pressure (causing scale formation) and secondly, changes in temperature of produced fluids. Some system have production coolers while some others have heat exchangers that may promote precipitation of scale
(b) Destabilization of mixed sea/formation waters is due to reduction in pressure and changes in temperature. These changes can obviously induce further precipitation of barium and strontium sulfate.
The most common scale encountered in oilfield operations are sulfates such as calcium sulfate (anhydrite, gypsum), barium sulfate and calcium carbonate. Other less common scales have also been reported such as iron oxides, iron sulfides and iron carbonate. Lead and zinc sulfide scale has recently become a concern in a number of northsea oil and gas fields (Collins and Jordan 2001).
There follows a brief description of each scale type:
1.6.1 Calcium Carbonate Scale
Calcium carbonate or calcite scale is frequently encountered in oilfield operations, but the calcite has the greatest stability in oilfield circumstances, so it is the most common form of calcium encountered in oilfield production operation.
Calcium carbonate crystals are large, but when the scale is found together with impurities in the form of finely divided crystals, then the scale appears uniform. Deposition of CaCO3 scale results from precipitation of calcium carbonate is as per the following equation;
Ca+2 + CO3-2 ↔ CaCO3 (1.0)
Carbonate scale formation occurs when connate water or aquifer water passes through the bubble point and carbon dioxide is evolved. As carbon dioxide is evolved, the solubility with respect to carbonate declines rapidly and forms a precipitate with divalent ions, such as iron, and more commonly calcium, the following equation (Mackay and Jordan, 2005)
Ca (HCO3)2 ↔ CaCO3 + CO2 +H2O (1.1)
Calcium carbonate scale is form by a different mechanism. As few waters contain the actual carbonate ion, the scaling potential arises from decomposition of calcium bicarbonate (Clemmit, 1985).
1.6.2 Calcium Sulfate Scale
Calcium sulfate scale poses a unique problem for the salts under consideration because it occurs with one of three different phases. Calcium sulfate exists in several crystalline forms. These include gypsum (CaSO4.1/2H2O) and anhydrite (CaSO4).
According to Oddo (1991), calcium sulfate scale formation is somewhat dependent on temperature, but is typically precipitated because of a decrease in pressure or an increase in the relative concentrations of calcium or sulfate.

1.6.3 Barium Sulfate Scale
Barium sulfate scale (barite) in oil fields can be precipitated easily on the basis of already available information relating to thermodynamic condition and the kinetics of precipitation (Mitchell, 1980). Barium sulfate is the most insoluble scale that can be precipitated from oilfield waters. It forms a hard scale which is extremely difficult to remove. The solubility of barium sulfate is about a thousand times less than of calcium sulfate, at surface conditions.
The solubility of barium sulfate goes up with increasing temperature, pressure and salt content of the brine. Thus prediction of barium sulfate scale is much easier than the others since a pressure, temperature or salt content drop will increase precipitation (Connell, 1983).

1.6.4 Strontium Sulfate Scale
Strontium sulfate scale formation has become a growing concern in oil-production systems. Until recently, the appearance of strontium in oilfield scales has been primarily in the presence of barium sulfate scale. Almost pure SrSO4 scale now is observed in several production wells around the world. The scale formation is primarily a result of subsurface commingling of waters, which results in water supersaturated in SrSO4( Nassivera and Essel, 1979).
Strontium sulfate solubilities may play a role in many disciplines of science and engineering. For example, strontium sulfate forms scale in oil and/or alkaline earth metals. Strontium sulfate behaves like barium sulfate except the former is more soluble under the same conditions. Most of the field scale barium sulfate deposits contains strontium sulfate too (Essel and Carlberg, 1982)

1.6.5 Iron Sulfide Scale
Iron sulfide species have been known to cause operational problems in the oil industry. Iron sulfide scale is present in oil and gas producing wells, sour wells and water injectors where the injected water has high sulfate content. The sources of iron are the formation brines (especially in sandstone formations) and the well tubular. Iron produced by corrosion processes can be minimized by employing various corrosion protection techniques (Nasr-El-Din and Al-Humaidan, 2001).
According to Raju (2003), the disposal water contains dissolved H2S, whereas the aquifer water contains dissolved iron. When these two waters are mixed together, H2S reacts with the iron ions and precipitates iron sulfide species.
Fe++ + H2S ⇔ FeS ↓ + 2H+ (1.2)

The most obvious way of preventing a scale from forming during oil production is to prevent the creation of supersaturation of the brine being handled. This may sometimes be possible by altering the operating conditions of the reservoir, for example by ensuring that the flowline pressure is sufficient to prevent the liberation of oil. However, economics usually dictate that the use of inhibitors is preferred.
Scale prevention is achieved by performing squeeze treatments in which chemical scale inhibitors are injected in the producers near flowline (Romero, 2007).
1.7.1. Operational Prevention
There are two operational preventions:
(1) Avoid mixing Incompatible Waters
The importance of avoiding incompatibility problems should be obvious from the preceding discussion. However, in offshore locations like the North Sea there is no economic method of obtaining compatible water, so sea water must be used.
(2) pH Control
Lowering the pH will increase the solubility of carbonate scales (but may cause corrosion problems). This method is not widely used in the oilfield, since accurate pH control is needed. However, it is useful for cooling waters.

1.7.2 Scale Control Chemicals
In oil and gas well operations, water-insoluble scale is formed in tubing, casings, and associated equipment, as well as in the wellbore and the formation itself which carry, at least in part, water or brine waters. These waters can contain insoluble calcium, barium, strontium, magnesium, and iron salts.
Scale inhibitors are chemicals which delay, reduce or prevent scale formation when added in small amounts to normally scaling water. Most of modern scale inhibitors used in the oilfield functions by one or both of the following mechanisms (Connell, 1983):
(1) When scale first begins to form, very tiny crystals precipitate from the water. At this point, the scale inhibitor absorbs onto the crystal surface thus preventing further growth.
(2) In some cases, scale inhibitors prevent the scale crystals from adhering to solid surfaces such as piping or vessels.
In the majority of cases, a good scale inhibitor should be effective at 5-15 ppm in clean water (Chen et al., 2004).

1.7.3 Scale Removal Methods Calcium Carbonate
Hydrochloric acid is the most effective way of dissolving calcium carbonate under most conditions. Concentrations of 5-15% HCl are normally used (Connell, 1983):

CaCO3 + 2HCl → H2O + CO2 + CaCl2 (1.3) Calcium Sulfate
The following may be used to dissolve calcium sulfate (Connell, 1983):
(1) Converters
Inorganic converters are usually carbonates or hydroxides which react with calcium sulfate and convert it to acid soluble calcium carbonate or calcium hydroxide. The conversion treatment is then followed by a hydrochloric acid treatment to dissolve the resulting scale:

CaSO4 + (NH4)2CO3 → (NH4)2SO4 + CaCO3 (1.4)
CaCO3 + 2HCl → H2O + CO2 + CaCl2 (1.5)
(2) Solvents:
Solvents are now available which will completely dissolve gypsum scale. Other compounds used (to s lesser extent) are EDTA and salt water. Barium Sulfate
One of the most common reasons for production loss is the development of scales inside the production strings, blocking the flow of the reservoir fluid to the surface facilities. Barium sulfate scale is among the toughest scales to remove, whether mechanically or chemically (Guimarases et al., 2007). Barium sulfate could only be removed by mechanical means. However, chemicals based on EDTA are now available which have had some success in dissolving barium sulfate. Barium sulfate could only be removed by mechanical means.


The modern Olympic Games (French: les Jeux olympiques, JO) are a major international event featuring summer and winter sports in which thousands of athletes participate in a variety of competitions. The Olympic Games are considered to be the world’s foremost sports competition with more than 200 nations participating. The Games are currently held biennially, with Summer and Winter Olympic Games alternating, meaning they each occur every four years. Their creation was inspired by the ancient Olympic Games, which were held in Olympia, Greece, from the 8th century BC to the 4th century AD. Baron Pierre de Coubertin founded the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1894. The IOC has since become the governing body of the Olympic Movement, with the Olympic Charter defining its structure and authority.
The evolution of the Olympic Movement during the 20th and 21st centuries has resulted in several changes to the Olympic Games. Some of these adjustments include the creation of the Winter Games for ice and winter sports, the Paralympic Games for athletes with a disability, and the Youth Olympic Games for teenage athletes. The IOC has had to adapt to the varying economic, political, and technological realities of the 20th century. As a result, the Olympics shifted away from pure amateurism, as envisioned by Coubertin, to allow participation of professional athletes. The growing importance of the mass media created the issue of corporate sponsorship and commercialization of the Games. World wars led to the cancellation of the 1916, 1940, and 1944 Games. Large boycotts during the Cold War limited participation in the 1980 and 1984 Games.
The Olympic Movement consists of international sports federations (IFs), National Olympic Committees (NOCs), and organizing committees for each specific Olympic Games. As the decision-making body, the IOC is responsible for choosing the host city for each Olympic Games. The host city is responsible for organizing and funding a celebration of the Games consistent with the Olympic Charter. The Olympic program, consisting of the sports to be contested at the Games, is also determined by the IOC. The celebration of the Games encompass many rituals and symbols, such as the Olympic flag and torch, as well as the opening and closing ceremonies. Over 13,000 athletes compete at the Summer and Winter Olympics in 33 different sports and nearly 400 events. The first, second, and third place finishers in each event receive Olympic medals: gold, silver, and bronze, respectively.
The Games have grown in scale to the point that nearly every nation is represented. Such growth has created numerous challenges, including boycotts, doping, bribery, and terrorism. Every two years, the Olympics and its media exposure provide unknown athletes with the chance to attain national, and sometimes international fame. The Games also constitute a major opportunity for the host city and country to showcase themselves to the world.
The Olympic symbol, better known as the Olympic rings, consists of five intertwined rings and represents the unity of the five inhabited continents (Africa, America, Asia, Australia, Europe).
The colored version of the rings—blue, yellow, black, green, and red—over a white field forms the Olympic flag. These colors were chosen because every nation had at least one of them on its national flag. The flag was adopted in 1914 but flown for the first time only at the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp, Belgium. It has since been hoisted during each celebration of the Games.
The Olympic motto is Citius, Altius, Fortius, a Latin expression meaning “Faster, Higher, Stronger”. Coubertin’s ideals are further expressed in the Olympic creed:
The most important thing in the Olympic Games is not to win but to take part, just as the most important thing in life is not the triumph but the struggle. The essential thing is not to have conquered but to have fought well.

Months before each Games, the Olympic Flame is lit in Olympia in a ceremony that reflects ancient Greek rituals. A female performer, acting as a priestess, ignites a torch by placing it inside a parabolic mirror which focuses the sun’s rays; she then lights the torch of the first relay bearer, thus initiating the Olympic torch relay that will carry the flame to the host city’s Olympic stadium, where it plays an important role in the opening ceremony. Though the flame has been an Olympic symbol since 1928, the torch relay was introduced at the 1936 Summer Games, as part of the German government’s attempt to promote its National Socialist ideology.

The emblem also known as the Olympic mascot, an animal or human figure representing the cultural heritage of the host country, was introduced in 1968. It has played an important part on the Games identity promotion since the 1980 Summer Olympics, when the Russian bear cub Misha reached international stardom. The mascots of the Summer Olympics, in Beijing, were the Fuwa, five creatures that represent the five feng shui elements important in Chinese culture.
As mandated by the Olympic Charter, various elements frame the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games. Most of these rituals were established at the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp. The ceremony typically starts with the hoisting of the host country’s flag and a performance of its national anthem.[102][103] The host nation then presents artistic displays of music, singing, dance, and theater representative of its culture.[104] The artistic presentations have grown in scale and complexity as successive hosts attempt to provide a ceremony that outlasts its predecessor’s in terms of memorability. The opening ceremony of the Beijing Games reportedly cost $100 million, with much of the cost incurred in the artistic segment.
After the artistic portion of the ceremony, the athletes parade into the stadium grouped by nation. Greece is traditionally the first nation to enter in order to honor the origins of the Olympics. Nations then enter the stadium alphabetically according to the host country’s chosen language, with the host country’s athletes being the last to enter. During the 2004 Summer Olympics, which was hosted in Athens, Greece, the Greek flag entered the stadium first, while the Greek delegation entered last. Speeches are given, formally opening the Games. Finally, the Olympic torch is brought into the stadium and passed on until it reaches the final torch carrier—often a well-known and successful Olympic athlete from the host nation—who lights the Olympic flame in the stadium’s cauldron.

Athletes gather in the stadium during the closing ceremony of the 2008 Summer Olympics.
The closing ceremony of the Olympic Games takes place after all sporting events have concluded. Flag-bearers from each participating country enter the stadium, followed by the athletes who enter together, without any national distinction.[106] Three national flags are hoisted while the corresponding national anthems are played: the flag of the current host country; the flag of Greece, to honor the birthplace of the Olympic Games; and the flag of the country hosting the next Summer or Winter Olympic Games.[106] The president of the organizing committee and the IOC president make their closing speeches, the Games are officially closed, and the Olympic flame is extinguished.[107] In what is known as the Antwerp Ceremony, the mayor of the city that organized the Games transfers a special Olympic flag to the president of the IOC, who then passes it on to the mayor of the city hosting the next Olympic Games.[108] The next host nation then also briefly introduces itself with artistic displays of dance and theater representative of its culture.[106]
Medal presentation

A medal ceremony during the 2008 Summer Olympics.
A medal ceremony is held after each Olympic event is concluded. The winner, second and third-place competitors or teams stand on top of a three-tiered rostrum to be awarded their respective medals.[109] After the medals are given out by an IOC member, the national flags of the three medalists are raised while the national anthem of the gold medalist’s country plays.[110] Volunteering citizens of the host country also act as hosts during the medal ceremonies, as they aid the officials who present the medals and act as flag-bearers.[111] For every Olympic event, the respective medal ceremony is held, at most, one day after the event’s final. For the men’s marathon, the competition is usually held early in the morning on the last day of Olympic competition and its medal ceremony is then held in the evening during the closing ceremony
Nigeria at the Olympics
Nigeria first participated in the Olympic Games in 1952, and has sent athletes to compete in every Summer Olympic Games since then, except for the boycotted 1976 Summer Olympics. The nation has never participated in the Winter Olympic Games.
Nigerian athletes have won a total of 23 medals, mostly in athletics and boxing. The national football team won the gold medal in 1996. In 2008, following the International Olympic Committee’s decision to strip the American 4 x 400 metre relay team of their medals after Antonio Pettigrew confessed to using performance-enhancing drugs, their Nigerian rivals were awarded the gold medal. Nigeria also won a medal in the heavyweight division of taekwondo at the 1992 Summer Olympics; as this was only a demonstration sport, Emmanuel Oghenejobo’s silver did not count as an official win.

The Nigeria Olympic Committee, the National Olympic Committee for Nigeria, was created in 1951.


Introduction / History
Ogoniland is situated in an area of about 100,000 sq km, east of Port Harcourt in Rivers State. Because of their agricultural economy and an increasing population, most of the rain forest that once covered the area has been cleared for farming. The area forms part of the coastal plains, featuring terraces with gentle slopes intersected by deep valleys that carry water intermittently.

The Ogoni are a distinct people numbering more than 500,000, who have lived in the Niger Delta for more than 500 years. The Ogoni are an agricultural and fishing society, living in close-knit rural communities in one of the most densely populated areas of Africa.

Archaeological and linguistic evidence suggests the Ogoni have inhabited the Niger Delta for up to 500 years. They established an organized social system which worked under a monarchy and under which men and women of courage and ability enjoyed a special status. During the slave trade, Ogoniland lay on the slave route from the hinterland to the coastal slave markets. However, no Ogoni man or woman was taken as a slave. Marriage with a neighbour, except the Ibibio, was forbidden by Ogoni customs and tradition. This way, the Ogoni people were able to live in relative isolation during the era of the slave trade. When other forms of trade were introduced into the region in the second half of the 19th century, weapons were purchased and wars became the order of the day. After the Berlin Treaty of 1885, Nigeria came under British colonial rule, but it was not until 1901 that British forces arrived in Ogoniland. The cultural diffences led to resistance on the side of the Ogoni people, but as they were not strong enough to resist the British patrols the Ogoni people were finally subjugated in 1914. The British saw Nigeria in terms of three major ethnic groups: the Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba and the Igbo, thereby ignoring more then 250 smaller peoples, including the Ogoni. The Ogoni were regarded with contempt by all other groups in the Delta region and were often positioned at the bottom of the social ladder.

The true origins of the Ogoni people are not very well-known. One theory is that they migrated into the area from across the Imo River. A second theory is that the Ogoni came in boats from Ghana and settled in the southern part of the area. Believers in this theory point to the name by which most of the Ogoni peoples call themselves (Khana) as a pointer to the Ghana origins of the Ogoni people.

Ogoniland consists of six kingdoms: Babbe, Eleme, Gokana, Ken-Khana, Nyo-Khana, and Tai. Within Ogoniland four main languages are spoken, which, although related, are mutually unintelligible. Linguistic experts classify the Ogoni languages of Khana, Gokana, and Eleme as a distinct group within the Beneu-Congo branch of African languages or, more particularly, as a branch in the New Beneu-Congo family.

Despite the introduction of Christianity, many aspects of the indigenous Ogoni culture and religion are still evident. The land on which they live and the rivers that surround them are very important to the Ogoni people. They not only provided enough food, they are also believed to be a god and are worshiped as such.

This explains why the Ogoni people have so many difficulties with the degradation of the environment as a result of oil pollution.

The fruit of the land, especially yams, are honoured in festivals. The annual festival of the Ogoni people is held during the period of the yam harvest.

The planting season is not just a period of agricultural activity, but it is a spiritual, religious and social occasion. ‘Tradition’ in Ogoni means in the local tongue (doonu kuneke) the honouring of the land. The Ogoni people believe that the soul of every human being has the ability to leave its human form and enter into that of an animal, taking on the shape of that animal. These characteristics show that nature is very important for the Ogoni people.

The Ogoni are an agricultural and fishing society. Yam and cassava farming are important ways of making a living, although the revenues of these products are not very high. The most important export product of Nigeria is oil, but the Ogoni people have never profited from these exports. Once the ‘food basket’ for the Niger Delta and beyond, Ogoniland’s agricultural production has now been severely reduced. This is partly due to loss of farmlands through oil polution and partly to soil fertility problems arising from acid/alkaline rain caused by gas flaring. Large areas of fresh and salt water resources as fishing grounds have also been rendered useless by oil spills. Food is becoming increasingly expensive and potential farmers are too poor to pay for seeds and labour. Poverty has worsened in the Ogoni areas during the last years. Nearly all oil workers are people coming from outside the area whom the local people have had to compete with for basic commodities. Besides the oil installations and refineries there are no manufacturing industries in Ogoni to reduce unemployment. This situation increasingly results in psycho-social degradation.

There are no government projects to address the problems of development in Ogoni-land. Health facilities are almost non-existent and school buildings are collapsing with the classrooms and laboratories empty. Attracting foreign aid to Ogoni-land has been difficult and a couple of community self-help initiatives by the people were branded ‘MOSOP-inspired’ and stopped.

Ogoni-land is in total economic isolation by the government and most roads have been left to wear, making transportation extremely difficult.

The environmental costs of the oil exploration have been and still are, very high. The agricultural and fishing communities experienced huge oil spills and pollution of drinking water, fishing grounds and farmlands. Large flares burnt gas from the oil extraction process, illuminating the sky day and night and polluting the air. The 1970’s brought increasing activity from the oil companies, claiming more space in an already crowded territory, and resulting in a deteriorating environment and in decreasing crop yields and fish catches.
I visited ogoni land with a friend in 2012 and saw first hand info about the hell these people pass through. It really crazy to see that a place where millions of dollars have been gotten through the exploration and exploitation of crude oil still look likes slums. I am using this article and my blog to call on the government of Nigeria to urgently address this situation and also adhere to the UN verdict which makes $100 million dollars available to the people as compensation for environmental degradation.
May God bless the OGONI people!!!


The 2010 FIFA World Cup was the 19th FIFA World Cup, the world championship for men’s national association football teams. It took place in South Africa from 11 June to 11 July 2010. The bidding process for hosting the tournament finals was open only to African nations; in 2004, the international football federation, FIFA, selected South Africa over Egypt and Morocco to become the first African nation to host the finals. It will take South 1.28 billion dollars to build the stadiums and other infrastructures.
The matches were played in ten stadiums in nine host cities around the country, with the final played at the Soccer City stadium in South Africa’s largest city, Johannesburg. Thirty-two teams were selected for participation via a worldwide qualification tournament that began in August 2007. In the first round of the tournament finals, the teams competed in round-robin groups of four teams for points, with the top two teams in each group proceeding. These sixteen teams advanced to the knockout stage, where three rounds of play decided which teams would participate in the final.
In the final, Spain, the European champions, defeated third-time finalists the Netherlands 1–0 after extra time, with Andrés Iniesta’s goal in the 116th minute giving Spain their first world title, becoming the eighth nation to win the tournament, and the first European nation to win the tournament outside its home continent. Host nation South Africa, 2006 world champions Italy and 2006 runners-up France were all eliminated in the first round of the tournament. It was the first time that the hosts were eliminated in the first round.

The Lukasrand Tower in Pretoria sporting a football in anticipation of the World Cup
Five new stadiums were built for the tournament, and five of the existing venues were upgraded. Construction costs were expected to be R8.4 billion (just over US$1 billion or €950 million).
South Africa also improved its public transport infrastructure within the host cities, including Johannesburg’s Gautrain and other metro systems, and major road networks were improved. In March 2009, Danny Jordaan, the president of the 2010 World Cup organising committee, reported that all stadiums for the tournament were on schedule to be completed within six months.
The country implemented special measures to ensure the safety and security of spectators in accordance with standard FIFA requirements, including a temporary restriction of flight operation in the airspace surrounding the stadiums.
At a ceremony to mark 100 days before the event, FIFA president Sepp Blatter praised the readiness of the country for the event.
Prize money
The total prize money on offer for the tournament was confirmed by FIFA as US$420 million (including payments of US$40 million to domestic clubs), a 60 percent increase on the 2006 tournament. Before the tournament, each of the 32 entrants received US$1 million for preparation costs. Once at the tournament, the prize money was distributed as follows:
• US$8 million – To each team exiting after the group stage (16 teams) ($8.53 million in 2012 US dollars)
• US$9 million – To each team exiting after the round of 16 (8 teams) ($9.59 million in 2012 US dollars)
• US$14 million – To each team exiting after the quarter-finals (4 teams) ($14.92 million in 2012 US dollars)
• US$18 million – Fourth placed team ($19.18 million in 2012 US dollars)
• US$20 million – Third placed team ($21.32 million in 2012 US dollars)
• US$24 million – Runner up ($25.58 million in 2012 US dollars)
• US$30 million – Winner ($31.97 million in 2012 US dollars)
In a first for the World Cup, FIFA made payments to the domestic clubs of the players representing their national teams at the tournament. This saw a total of US$40 million paid to domestic clubs. This was the result of an agreement reached in 2008 between FIFA and European clubs to disband the G-14 group and drop their claims for compensation dating back to 2005 over the financial cost of injuries sustained to their players while on international duty, such as that from Belgian club Charleroi S.C. for injury to Morocco’s Abdelmajid Oulmers in a friendly game in 2004, and from English club Newcastle United for an injury to England’s Michael Owen in the 2006 World Cup.
Some groups experienced complications in regards to scheduled sporting events, advertising, or broadcasting, as FIFA attempted to maximise control of media rights during the Cup. Affected parties included an international rugby union Test match, a South African airline, and some TV networks, all of whom were involved in various legal struggles with World Cup organisers.
During the tournament, group ticket-holders who did not utilise all their allotted tickets led to some early-round matches having as many as 11,000 unoccupied seats.
While the event did help to boost the image of South Africa, financially it turned out to be a major disappointment. Construction costs for venues and infrastructure amounted to £3 billion (€3.6 billion), and the government expected that increased tourism would help to offset these costs to the amount of £570 million (€680 million). However, only £323 million (€385 million) were actually taken in as 309,000 foreign fans came to South Africa, well below the expected number of 450,000.
Local vendors were prohibited from selling food and merchandise within a 1.5 kilometre radius of any stadium hosting a World Cup match. For a vendor to operate within the radius, a registration fee of R60,000 (approximately to US$7,888 or €6,200), had to be paid to FIFA. This fee was out of most local vendors’ reach, as they are simple one-man-operated vendors. This prevented international visitors from experiencing local South African food. Some local vendors felt cheated out of an opportunity for financial gain and spreading South African culture, in favour of multinational corporations.
FIFA president Sepp Blatter declared the event “a huge financial success for everybody, for Africa, for South Africa and for FIFA,” with revenue to FIFA of £2.24 billion (€2 billion).
The projected total direct economic value for GDP is approximately $21.3 billion. Also, 159,000 new jobs are predicted, including full- and part- time jobs, both permanent and temporary. The government also plans to spend millions on upgrading stadiums and building a new international airport. The tournament will host 32 teams with an average of 50 people per team, 14,500 VIPs and dignitaries, 500 officials and 10,500 media. A projected number of half a million foreign visitors (located outside of Africa) are expected and staying an average of 15 days.

The Old Testament canon

The Old Testament (sometimes abbreviated OT) is the first section of the two-part Christian Biblical canon and is based on the Hebrew Bible but can include several Deuterocanonical books or Anagignoskomena depending on the particular Christian denomination. For a full discussion of these differences, see Books of the Bible.
Following Jerome’s Veritas Hebraica, the Protestant Old Testament consists of the same books as the Hebrew Bible, but the order and numbering of the books are different. Protestants number the Old Testament books at 39, while the Jews number the same books as 24. This is because the Jews consider Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles to form one book each, group the 12 minor prophets into one book, and also consider Ezra and Nehemiah a single book.
The traditional explanation of the development of the Old Testament canon describes two sets of Old Testament books, the protocanonical and the deuterocanonical (or Biblical apocrypha) books. According to this theory, certain Church fathers accepted the inclusion of the deuterocanonical books based on their inclusion in the Septuagint (most notably Augustine), while others disputed their status and did not accept them as divinely inspired scripture (most notably Jerome). Michael Barber, a Roman Catholic theologian, argues that this reconstruction is grossly inaccurate.
~ Books of the Old Testament ~

The Hebrew Bible or Tanakh.
Canon common to Judaism, Samaritanism and Christianity (excepting the minority of Protestant denominations sometimes called New Testament only Christians which reject the “Old Testament”)
• Genesis
• Exodus
• Leviticus
• Numbers
• Deuteronomy

Canon Common to Judaism and Christianity but excluded by Samaritans
• Joshua
• Judges
• Ruth
• 1–2 Samuel
• 1–2 Kings
• 1–2 Chronicles
• Ezra
• Nehemiah
• Esther
• Job
• Psalms
• Proverbs
• Ecclesiastes
• Song of Solomon
• Isaiah
• Jeremiah
• Lamentations
• Ezekiel
• Daniel
• Minor prophets (Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi)
These are one book in the Jewish Bible, called “Trei Asar” or “Twelve”.
Included by Roman Catholics, Orthodox, but excluded by Jews, Samaritans and most Protestants:
• Tobit
• Judith
• 1 Maccabees
• 2 Maccabees
• Wisdom (of Solomon)
• Ben Sira
• Baruch, includes Letter of Jeremiah (Additions to Jeremiah)
• Additions to Daniel
• Additions to Esther

Included by Orthodox (Synod of Jerusalem):
• 1 Esdras (see Esdras for other names)
• 3 Maccabees
• 4 Maccabees (in appendix but not canonical)
• Prayer of Manasseh
• Psalm 151

Included by Russian and Ethiopian Orthodox:
• 2 Esdras

Included by Ethiopian Orthodox:
• Jubilees
• Enoch
• 1–3 Meqabyan

Included by Syriac Peshitta Bible:
• Psalms 152–155
• 2 Baruch

From scripture to canon: formation of the Old Testament
Greek, Latin and Protestant Old Testaments
See also: Development of the Old Testament canon, Septuagint#Table of books, Development of the Hebrew Bible canon, and Books of the Latin Vulgate
The process by which scriptures became canons and Bibles was a long one, and its complexities account for the many different Old Testaments which exist today. By about the 5th century BC Jews saw the five books of the Torah (the Old Testament Pentateuch) as having authoritative status; by the 2nd century BC the Prophets had a similar status, although without quite the same level of respect as the Torah; beyond that, the Jewish scriptures were fluid, with different groups seeing authority in different books.
The scriptures were translated into Greek between about 280-130 BC. At this stage (i.e., around the time of Christ) there was no collection of these scriptures – the various texts were read as separate scrolls. It was only in the early centuries of the Christian era that the scriptures began to be bound together into books and that Bibles as we know them today came to be invented. The Greek translations, called the Septuagint, contained several books (using that term loosely) not found in the modern Hebrew Bible (1-2 Esdras, Judith, Tobit, 1-4 Maccabees, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Baruch, and numerous additions to other books), based loosely on chronology and “literary typology” (i.e. subject matter). It continues in use to this day as the Old Testament of the Eastern Orthodox Church.
In 331, Constantine I commissioned Eusebius to deliver fifty Bibles for the Church of Constantinople. Athanasius recorded Alexandrian scribes around 340 preparing Bibles for Constans. Little else is known, though there is plenty of speculation. For example, it is speculated that this may have provided motivation for canon lists, and that Codex Vaticanus and Codex Sinaiticus are examples of these Bibles. Together with the Peshitta and Codex Alexandrinus, these are the earliest extant Christian Bibles. There is no evidence among the canons of the First Council of Nicaea of any determination on the canon, however, Jerome (347-420), in his Prologue to Judith, makes the claim that the Book of Judith was “found by the Nicene Council to have been counted among the number of the Sacred Scriptures”.
In Western Christianity or Christianity in the Western half of the Roman Empire, Latin had displaced Greek as the common language of the early Christians, and about 400 AD Pope Damasus I commissioned Jerome, the leading scholar of the day, to produce an updated Latin bible to replace the Vetus Latina. Sometime in the centuries after the Septuagint (exactly when is disputed) the Rabbis (Jewish religious scholars and teachers) defined the Jewish canon, which is a much shorter canon of only 24 books, and Jerome used it (commonly called the Hebrew Bible) instead of the Greek Old Testament as the basis for his translation, citing “Hebraica Veritas” (Latin: Truth of the Hebrew). His Vulgate (i.e. common language) Old Testament became the standard bible used in the Western Church, specifically as the Sixto-Clementine Vulgate, while the Churches in the East continued, and still continue, to use the Septuagint.
Jerome had wanted to drop all the books that did not appear in the Hebrew Bible, but St Augustine, a bishop and another great scholar of the day, opposed him and won the argument, notably at the Council of Carthage on 28 August 397. In the 16th century the Protestant reformers reopened the debate, and sided with Jerome, but only for their own congregations: yet although Protestant Bibles now have only those books that appear in the Jewish Bible, they have them in the order of the Greek Bible. The Catholic Church, largely in reaction to this attack on tradition, officially adopted a canon, the Canon of Trent, which can be seen as following Augustine’s Carthaginian Councils or the Council of Rome, and includes most, but not all, of the Septuagint (3 Ezra and 3 and 4 Maccabees are excluded); the Anglicans after the English Civil War adopted a compromise position, restoring the 39 Articles and keeping the extra books that were excluded by the Westminster Confession of Faith, but only for private study and for reading in churches, while Lutherans kept them for private study, gathered in an appendix as Biblical Apocrypha.
Other versions
While the Hebrew, Greek and Latin versions of the Hebrew Bible are the best known Old Testaments, there were others. At much the same time as the Septuagint was being produced, translations were being made into Aramaic, the language of Jews living in Palestine and the Near East and likely the language of Jesus: these are called the Aramaic Targums, from a word meaning “translation”, and were used to help Jewish congregations understand their scriptures. For Aramaic Christians there was a Syriac translation of the Hebrew Bible called the Peshitta, as well as versions in Coptic (the everyday language of Egypt in the first Christian centuries, descended from ancient Egyptian), Ethiopic (for use in the Ethiopian church, one of the oldest Christian churches), Armenian (Armenia, a former kingdom, now part of modern northeast Turkey, was the first to adopt Christianity as its official religion), and Arabic.


The YEAR 2015 would definitely be the Nigerian holocaust as sequence of events will take place one year before 2015 or three months after. Nigeria is destined to break into several nations by 2015 except the GOD intervened through the selfish interest of the western powers!
series of event will culminate into this break up and indeed readers will rush to this site to call me the new Nigerian ‘Nostradamus’.
-president Goodluck Jonathan will be force by his south south brothers and top government cronies to contest the general elections in 2015.
-there will be much outraged in the north because of these and series of protest will erupt in northern Nigeria, as they claim its their turn to produce the next president.
-the ruling party, being the PDP will be drawn into ethnic lines and would eventually broke up.
-the east i.e the Ibos will be spiting fire but cant do anything as they have sold their birth right to the south south during the 2011 election of president Goodluck jonathan.
-the north will appease them by adopting one of their son as a deputy presidential candidate to their son from the north in the 2015 elections.
-BOKO HARAM will attempt an assassination on the president immediately he gave his consent to run for the 2015 general elections.
i expect readers to be glue to this site to find out more……real facts are about to be unveil here….the countdown has started!!!!


Diabetes mellitus, or simply diabetes, is a group of metabolic diseases in which a person has high blood sugar, either because the body does not produce enough insulin, or because cells do not respond to the insulin that is produced.This high blood sugar produces the classical symptoms of polyuria (frequent urination), polydipsia (increased thirst) and polyphagia (increased hunger).
There are three main types of diabetes mellitus (DM). Type 1 DM results from the body’s failure to produce insulin, and presently requires the person to inject insulin or wear an insulin pump. This form was previously referred to as “insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus” (IDDM) or “juvenile diabetes”. Type 2 DM results from insulin resistance, a condition in which cells fail to use insulin properly, sometimes combined with an absolute insulin deficiency. This form was previously referred to as non insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus (NIDDM) or “adult-onset diabetes”. The third main form, gestational diabetes occurs when pregnant women without a previous diagnosis of diabetes develop a high blood glucose level. It may precede development of type 2 DM.
Other forms of diabetes mellitus include congenital diabetes, which is due to genetic defects of insulin secretion, cystic fibrosis-related diabetes, steroid diabetes induced by high doses of glucocorticoids, and several forms of monogenic diabetes.
All forms of diabetes have been treatable since insulin became available in 1921, and type 2 diabetes may be controlled with medications. Both types 1 and 2 are chronic conditions that cannot be cured. Pancreas transplants have been tried with limited success in type 1 DM; gastric bypass surgery has been successful in many with morbid obesity and type 2 DM. Gestational diabetes usually resolves after delivery. Diabetes without proper treatments can cause many complications. Acute complications include hypoglycemia, diabetic ketoacidosis, or nonketotic hyperosmolar coma. Serious long-term complications include cardiovascular disease, chronic renal failure, and diabetic retinopathy (retinal damage). Adequate treatment of diabetes is thus important, as well as blood pressure control and lifestyle factors such as smoking cessation and maintaining a healthy body weight.
Globally, as of 2012, an estimated 346 million people have type 2 diabetes.

The classic symptoms of untreated diabetes are loss of weight, polyuria (frequent urination), polydipsia (increased thirst) and polyphagia (increased hunger).[12] Symptoms may develop rapidly (weeks or months) in type 1 diabetes, while they usually develop much more slowly and may be subtle or absent in type 2 diabetes.
Prolonged high blood glucose can cause glucose absorption in the lens of the eye, which leads to changes in its shape, resulting in vision changes. Blurred vision is a common complaint leading to a diabetes diagnosis; type 1 should always be suspected in cases of rapid vision change, whereas with type 2 change is generally more gradual, but should still be suspected[citation needed]. A number of skin rashes that can occur in diabetes are collectively known as diabetic dermadromes.




Oil and gas account for 97 percent of Algerian exports, 60 percent of Algeria’s government revenue and 30 percent of the country’s total economic output. Algeria sits on the world’s ninth-largest reserve of natural gas and 14th-largest oil reserve. The United States has more than $5 billion invested in Algeria, most of it in the oil and gas sector. The economy is diversifying poorly, with higher oil prices acting as a disincentive to reform and privatize the economy. Unemployment officially stands at 13 percent but is likely much higher. 2007 oil revenue: $57 billion; 2008: $76 billion; 2009 forecast: $30 billion.
Algeria’s military totals 138,000 active soldiers and 100,000 reservists. Paramilitary forces include a 60,000-member national guard, controlled by the president (who’s also the minister of defense), and a 30,000-member police force under the control of the ministry of interior. Men 18 and older must serve 18 months. Algeria has traditionally been armed by Russia and China. In “Bush at War,” Bob Woodward wrote of Algeria that “the CIA was heavily subsidizing its intelligence service, spending millions to get their [sic.] assistance in the war against al-Qaeda.”
Human Rights, Civil Rights and Media:
The government through an amnesty law forgave the perpetrators of the 1990s civil war, but also criminalized criticism of government abuses during that war. The amnesty law diminished efforts to investigate numerous cases of enforced disappearance and other cases of human rights abuses, according to Amnesty International. The Algerian military and police reportedly torture suspects in detention. Journalists benefited from the amnesty law in 2006 as many were freed from prison, but press-freedom reforms have not followed. Criticizing the president or the state can still yield five-year prison sentences.
History Until Independence:
Ottoman Turks gave Algeria the rough outline of its present boundaries between 1516 and 1830, when France began conquering the country. Algerians resisted fiercely. But by 1900, millions of arable acres were in French hands, encouraging more French settlers to move in and undermining Algerian tribal unity. Resistance began anew in the run-up to World War II as the French refused to reform their governance. Bloody French repression continued leading to an outright French-Algerian war that ended in March 1962. Algeria declared its independence on July 3, 1962 (observed on July 5).
History Since Independence:
One of the more vibrant cultures of the Arab world, Algeria was moving toward a marginally open society in the 1970s and 1980s, at least economically, at the same time that political Islam was making inroads throughout the Middle East. Islamists appeared poised to take over the Legislature in the 1992 election. The Algerian army intervened and routed Islamists, who, with $40,000 in seed money from Osama bin Laden, regrouped as the armed, brutal force known as the Groupe Islamique Armé. A civil war raged through most of the 1990s.
The Algerian economy today

Interestingly enough, for most economic commentators, Algeria today has an economy that, having gone through the long, tortuous and painful path of economic reform and restructuring, now stands on the threshold of economic revival. Not only have the elements of a liberal, free market economy been put in place, but Algeria’s access to oil and gas revenues, together with the improvements in its external account, should mean that positive development and an appropriate environment for foreign investors has been created. Even though the remnants of the violence that has characterised the past decade linger on, Algeria seems to offer opportunities that will soon be difficult to resist, not just in the oil and gas sectors but in other sectors of its economy as well.

An economy in crisis?

Yet, despite the increasingly encouraging macro-economic indicators – and last year Algeria posted a current account surplus of $9.9 billion and saw its foreign exchange reserves rise by $7.5 billion to $12.03 billion at the end of 2000 and further rose to $15.4 billion at the end of June 2001 – scepticism still seems to reign. Foreign investment has stubbornly remained below $500 million annually, even when investment in the oil sector is included and, given the delays in the long-promised privatisation programme , foreign investors seem reluctant to take the plunge. Unemployment remains remarkably high – from a low of 23 per cent of the labour force at the start of the 1990s, it rose to 28 per cent in 1998, fell slightly to 26.4 per cent in 1999 and is now believed to have risen again towards 30 per cent . Over 450,000 workers have lost their jobs in the restructuring exercises of the last decade and, even worse, three-quarters of the unemployed are under the age of 30 .

A somewhat more sour and, perhaps, more accurate vision of Algeria’s economic progress is provided by France’s authoritative Nord-Sud Export, part of the respected Le Monde group. In May 2001 it commented:

The paralysis of the Algerian economy, outside the hydrocarbon sector, can be expressed in one statistic – imports. In 2000, a year in which external revenues beat all records (because of the rise in oil prices), external purchases only amounted to $9.2 billion, $900 million less, even, than in 1995 ($10.1 billion) . The decline in domestic demand – whether in household consumption (where living standards have continued to fall) or in terms of companies (for production and investment) – is evident. Furthermore, there has been no evidence of local production being substituted for imports; agricultural production fell by 5 per cent in value in 2000, whilst, during the first nine months of the year, the non-hydrocarbon industrial production index declined by 0.3 per cent. Even worse, output from all manufacturing industries fell during the same period by 1.4 per cent .

It needs to be borne in mind that this comment was made at a critical juncture in Algeria’s recent political history; during the riots in Kabylia which resulted in an official toll of 52 dead and more than 1,300 wounded – unofficial but reliable sources claim that over 80 people died. These riots were notable for the fact that they were the first example of public unrest that was not involved with the Islamist crisis for many years. Instead, they were directed against the Algerian regime, both over the issue of Berber marginalisation and over the more general issue of regime brutality towards the civilian population and popular attitudes towards it. It should not be forgotten that the riots of April 1980, also in the Kabylia region, were the precursors of the October 1988 riots, in themselves the first overt sign of the social and political crisis that faces Algeria today.

In other words, despite the satisfaction felt in Washington and Europe over Algeria’s macro-economic performance in recent years, it is evident that, in micro-economic and social terms, the crisis is as bad as ever. Indeed, opposition politicians in Algeria and leading Algerians outside the country argue that it is worsening . For them, the problems are structural and reflect years of economic mismanagement and political corruption, as a result of the dominant role played by the occult and unaccountable economic and political elites, the nomenklatura known to Algerians as the mafia. Indeed, for them, it is the institutional failure that lies behind the widespread misery that characterises life in Algeria. Whether that be the reason or not, there is little doubt about the misery that Algerians face today.