The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafran War, 6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970, was an ethnic and political conflict caused by the attempted secession of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions mainly between the Hausas of north and the Igbo of the southeast of Nigeria. Over the two and half years of the war, 1 million civilians died from famine and fighting. The war became notorious for the starvation of some of the besieged regions during the war, and consequent claims of genocide by the largely Igbo people of the region.

The Nigerian government launched a “police action” to retake the secessionist territory. The war began on 6 July 1967 when Nigerian Federal troops advanced in two columns into Biafra. The Nigerian army offensive was through the north of Biafra led by Colonel Shuwa and the local military units were formed as the 1st Infantry Division. The division was led mostly by northern officers. After facing unexpectedly fierce resistance and high casualties, the right-hand Nigerian column advanced on the town of Nsukka which fell on 14 July, while the left-hand column made for Garkem, which was captured on 12 July. At this stage of the war, the other regions of Nigeria (the West and Mid-West) still considered the war as a confrontation between the north (mainly Hausas) against the east (mainly Igbos). But the Biafrans responded with an offensive of their own when, on 9 August, the Biafran forces moved west into the Mid-Western Nigerian region across the Niger river, passing through Benin City, until they were stopped at Ore (in present day Ondo State) just over the state boundary on 21 August, just 130 miles east of the Nigerian capital of Lagos. The Biafran attack was led by Lt. Col. Banjo, a Yoruba, with the Biafran rank of brigadier. The attack met little resistance and the Mid-West was easily taken over. This was due to the pre-secession arrangement that all soldiers should return to their regions to stop the spate of killings, in which Igbo soldiers had been major victims. The Nigerian soldiers that were supposed to defend the Mid-West state were mostly Mid-West Igbo and while some were in touch with their eastern counterparts, others resisted. General Gowon responded by asking Colonel Murtala Mohammed (who later became head of state in 1975) to form another division (the 2nd Infantry Division) to expel the Biafrans from the Mid-West, as well as defend the West side and attack Biafra from the West as well. As Nigerian forces retook the Mid-West, the Biafran military administrator declared the Republic of Benin on 19 September, though it ceased to exist the next day. (The present country of Benin, west of Nigeria, was still named Dahomey at that time.)
Even though women weren’t legally allowed to fight in the Civil War, it is estimated that somewhere around 400 women disguised themselves as men and went to war, sometimes without anyone ever discovering their true identities.
It is an accepted convention that the Civil War was a man’s fight. Images of women during that conflict center on self-sacrificing nurses, romantic spies, or brave ladies maintaining the home front in the absence of their men. The men, of course, marched off to war, lived in germ-ridden camps, engaged in heinous battle, languished in appalling prison camps, and died horribly, yet heroically. This conventional picture of gender roles during the Civil War does not tell the entire story. Men were not the only ones to fight that war. Women bore arms and charged into battle, too. Like the men, there were women who lived in camp, suffered in prisons, and died for their respective causes.
Although women rarely participated in the war as combatants, women, as half of the population of the United States, experienced the war in various ways and made numerous contributions to the war effort. Women were witnesses, writers, soldiers, spies, nurses, cooks, laundresses, supporters, organizers, and mourners, among many other roles. Their perspectives and contributions are no less valuable than those of their husbands, sons, brothers, and fathers who fought and died on the battlefield. Most women’s lives before, during, and immediately after the war continued to be centered around the household and family. However, social changes initiated by the war offered women the opportunity to take leadership roles at home while their husbands and fathers were away. They became more involved in public arenas such as politics, publishing, and social welfare. In addition, women’s domestic roles became more politicized during the war. Sewing, for example, took on new meaning when the shirts women stitched were destined for soldiers.
If not for the women of Biafra and their courage, the Biafran race and nation would have been completely annihilated during the Biafran War of Survival of 1967-1970. We know of no other group of women in history who suffered more than the women of Biafra, as they saw their spouses leave for war, many never to return; watched their children suffer and slowly die of starvation right in front of their eyes, and witnessed their families pine away to nothing. What agony!
No one but they can tell whence their strength and courage derive, such tenacity as would sustain them through this harrowing ordeal and allow them to rebuild and nurture to maturity and to humanity once again, present-day Biafra, from death and nothingness.
In this state of collapse of infrastructural base, hunger, disease, indiscriminate massacre leading to genocidal proportions, physical and economic assaults, and humiliations in Biafran territories, the Women largely bore the incidence in their different communities. The plight of Women in the civil war time and in the immediate post civil war days was very traumatic and one deserving pity. Igbo Women shouldered most of the excruciating pains of the civil war. They encountered horrific, terrible and dehumanizing ordeals in the hands of ‘enemy soldiers’, saboteurs and hunger related diseases.
There was ‘no regard mentality’ for the rights of women in Igbo communities by the would-be enemy soldiers, their non-combatant status in warfare notwithstanding. They were seen as mere objects of exploitation and personal gratifications. The enemy soldiers utilized the war situation to defile Igboland. Hence, Chinua Achebe observes that the civil war gave Nigeria a perfect and legitimate excuse to cast the Igbo in the role of treasonable felony, a wrecker of a nation with women bearing the greater incidence.
Considering these harrowing experiences of Igbo women during the Nigerian – Biafran civil war and its aftermath, the researcher deems it fit to carry out a study on the experience of Women in ‘Afikpo’ in the civil war period and the impacts of the war on them.

With increased British support the Nigerian federal forces launched their final offensive against the Biafrans once again on 23 December 1969 with a major thrust by the 3rd Marine Commando Division the division was commanded by Col. Olusegun Obasanjo (who later became president twice) which succeeded in splitting the Biafran enclave into two by the end of the year. The final Nigerian offensive, named “Operation Tail-Wind”, launched on 7 January 1970 with the 3rd Marine Commando Division attacking, and supported by the 1st Infantry division to the north and the 2nd Infantry division to the south. The Biafran town of Owerri fell on 9 January, and Uli fell on 11 January. Only a few days earlier, Ojukwu fled into exile by flying by plane to the Ivory Coast, leaving his deputy Philip Effiong to handle the details of the surrender to General Yakubu Gowon of the federal army on 13 January 1970. The war finally ended a few days later with the Nigerian forces advancing in the remaining Biafran held territories with little opposition.
After the war Gowon said, “The tragic chapter of violence is just ended. We are at the dawn of national reconciliation. Once again we have an opportunity to build a new nation. My dear compatriots, we must pay homage to the fallen, to the heroes who have made the supreme sacrifice that we may be able to build a nation, great in justice, fair trade, and industry.over 500,000 women were lost in the bitter armed conflict in Nigeria between 1967-970.

1. http://www.litencyc.com/theliterarymagazine/biafra.php
2. http://www.clickafrique.com/Magazine/ST014/CP0000000008.aspx%5Bdead link]
3. http://www.africamasterweb.com/BiafranWarCauses.html
4. Genocide and the Europeans, 2010. Page 71.
5. Malcolm MacDonald: Bringing an End to Empire, 1995. Page 416.
6. Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria, 2001. Page 54.
7. Africa 1960–1970: Chronicle and Analysis, 2009. Page 423
8. “Nigerian Civil War”. Polynational War Memorial. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
9. “Biafra: Thirty years on”. Africa (BBC News). Retrieved 4 January 2014. “Ethnic split: At independence, Nigeria had a federal constitution comprising three regions defined by the principal ethnic groups in the country – the Hausa and Fulani in the north, Yoruba in the south-west, and Ibo in the south-east. Crowd The fighting led to famine and chaos but as the military took over in the mid-1960s, and the economic situation worsened, ethnic tensions broke out. Up to 30,000 Ibos were killed in fighting with Hausas, and around 1million refugees fled to their Ibo homeland in the east”
10. David D. Laitin. Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yorubas (1986). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
11. Ijeaku,Nnamdi
12. Biafra Story, Frederick Forsyth, Leo Cooper, 2001 ISBN 0-85052-854-2
13. Audrey Chapman, “Civil War in Nigeria,” Midstream, Feb 1968


The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafran War, 6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970, was an ethnic and political conflict caused by the attempted secession of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions mainly between the Hausas of north and the Igbo of the southeast of Nigeria. Over the two and half years of the war, 1 million civilians died from famine and fighting. The war became notorious for the starvation of some of the besieged regions during the war, and consequent claims of genocide by the largely Igbo people of the region.
A civil war is a war between organized groups within the same state or republic, or, less commonly, between two countries created from a formerly united state. The aim of one side may be to take control of the country or a region, to achieve independence for a region, or to change government policies. The term is a calque of the Latin bellum civile which was used to refer to the various civil wars of the Roman Republic in the 1st century BC.
A civil war is a high-intensity conflict, often involving regular armed forces, that is sustained, organized and large-scale. Civil wars may result in large numbers of casualties and the consumption of significant resources.

Nigeria’s potential in manpower, wealth, natural resources, land mass, infrastructure, international links and diplomacy could hardly be surpassed in Africa. Whenever war is declared, people are generally concerned with the relative strengths of the opposing forces coupled with their war potential. Armed forces are the towing equipment that pulls a nation out if she runs aground in her policy. It is madness for a nation to commit herself more than her armed forces can do. There was no comparison between the strengths of the opposing forces in the Nigerian civil war. Nigerian Army (NA) was too formidable for Biafra, a ratio of 4:1. However each side knew the tactics the other side would employ since they all belonged to the same Armed Forces before the war.
The Biafran Army, realizing the odds against them decided correctly to go into defense. Taking the advantage of fighting on their own ground, they constructed fortified pill boxes on the enemy most likely avenues of approach, the major highways connecting the Eastern Region with the rest of the country. The Biafran army had gathered a lot of information on the disposition of the Nigerian army and made contingency plans to meet any incursion into their territory. They conducted training exercise code named “Exercise Checkmate” which was on the line Biafra Army hoped to fight. This exœrcise was so realistic that when the Nigerian Army started their offensive, they reacted exactly the way Biafra expected them to. Biafra deployed her troops as follows:

1. Northern Sector – 51st Brigade made up of three infantry Battalions

2.Central Zone and Garrison Command – 11th Infantry Battalion

3.Southern Zone – 52nd Brigade made up of three battalions.

The Biafran Air Force carried out strategic bombings of major towns, military installations and the Defense Industry. This had a diverstating effect on civilian population and further helped the Nigerian propaganda which resulted in making more people to join the NA to crush the rebellion. The Biafran Navy also carried out some attack on the Nigerian ships with little effect. Mercenaries were hired to train the troops and took part in the fighting.
The Nigerian political tensions, conflicts and confrontations, like other human interactions, had never conformed with the law of physics that action and reaction are opposite and equal. Reactions had always been more intense and graver than action, real or imagined. Those who are the sowers of wind are usually the reapers of the whirlwind. The Kano riots of 1953 was a reaction to the humiliation of the Northern legislators in Lagos most of whom are still alive and politicking while the rioters are dead, unsung and long forgotten. In the Nigerian historical context, each political action, tension or conflict had evoked more violence in reaction and the elites who initiated the action are normally not the ones who reap the more violent reaction or destruction. They are masters in the art of survival and they have always emerged almost unscratched. It is the common man who knows little or nothing of the on-goings and who certainly gains nothing from the appointments or the prerequisites of office of these elites that is used as cannon fodder and expendable material for the attainment and sustenance of power, wealth and prosperity.

Our leaders aid those of other developing nations must eschew bitterness and violence, learn that no individual or section has a monopoly of violence and that one action of violence evokes greater and more destructive violent reaction, the magnitude which can never be imagined in advance. In the end the law of retributive justice catches with the perpetrators of bitterness, violence and destruction. This difficult lesson must be learnt.

The great publicity given to the war by Markpress on behalf of Biafra, especially the photographs of starving children and ruined or deserted towns, evoked deep feelings of sympathy all over the Western world. By and large, these pitiful sights touched the conscience of those who mounted large scale humanitarian campaigns on behalf of Biafra. The issues in the war were relegated to the background and the human and humanitarian aspects came to the fore. Most of them were genuine in their humanitarian efforts but little did they know that most of their contributions were used to purchase arms and ammunition which prolonged the war and thereby increased and heightened the sufferings of those they were trying to help.

There were involvement of some notable world leaders on supposedly humanitarian grounds, but they had, as we have seen, ulterior motives which were mainly to satisfy their political, economic or diplomatic interests. Some foreign governments covertly encouraged and sustained rebellion under the guise of humanitarianism by secretly giving weapons and other war material to Biafra. They seceded in fuelling the war and prolonged it and consequently prolonging the suffering of the people in the war affected areas.

The importance of winning the support and mobilizing the civilian populace became very obvious. Biafra, despite her inferiority in manpower and war machineries held on for so long because her people believed in fighting the war which they considered a war of survival. On the same token, Nigeria won the war primarily because she was able to win the support of the populace who enlisted in thousands to reunify the country.
The declaration of secession made war not inevitable but imminent. At the dawn of 6 July 1967, the first bullet was fired signalling the beginning of the gruesome 30 month civil war and carnage, brothers killing brothers. Preparations for war had already been set in motion on the Nigerian side by May 1967. All the soldiers of Northern, Western, and Mid – Western origin had been withdrawn from the East and redeployed. Four of the regular infantry battalions of the Army were placed under the command of 1 Brigade and redesignated 1 Area Command. Mobilization of ex – service men was ordered by the Commander – in – Chief. Out of those called up, about seven thousand in number, four other battalions were formed. Increased recruitment from the personnel of the Nigerian Police Force was embarked upon.

The civilians were trained in civil defense duties. In mobilizing the people of Nigeria, the Federal Government had to make the war look a just cause to stop the disintegration of the country and in doing this a slogan was invented “To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done.” Even the letters of the Head of the Federal Government, GOWON was coined to read “Go On With One Nigeria” and became a very strong propaganda.


Delivery of arms and equipment for the Nigerian Army were hastened. Nigerian Army Headquarters (NAHQ) Operations plan envisaged a war that will be waged in four phases and that will be over within a month with The four phases were

(1) Capture of Nsukka, (2) Capture of Ogoja, (3) Capture of Abakaliki, (4) Capture of Enugu.

1 Area Command was to be the fighting force, 2 Area Command in Ibadan, Western Region, was earmarked for the defense of Mid – West and border protection while the Lagos Garrison Organization was earmarked for the defense of Lagos, the Federal capital.

The NAHQ assessment of the rebels in terms of men under arms and equipment did not give the NAHQ much concern. The total mobilization and the will of the people of the Eastern Nigeria to fight against severe odds was under estimated. Nigeria knew that the survival of Biafra depended on importation of material from abroad to sustain her war efforts and the only route was through the Atlantic Ocean. As part of strategic planning, the Nigerian Navy (NN) was to blockade the region from the sea thereby preventing shipment of arms, equipment, food and other war materiel and services into the East. At the same time all flights to the region were cancelled and the international community were informed that no flight to the region would be accepted without clearance from Lagos. The NAHQ did not pay any particular attention to strategic intelligence of the Eastern Region. In planning and concept the war was intended to be fought by the troops located in the North and to be supplied mainly from Kaduna.

Immediately secession was declared, Nigeria sent her war ships to blockade and secure all sea routes into the region. The Nigerian Air Force was tasked to ensure the control of the air space over the entire country. The offensive was to be a two prong attack, a combined arms mechanized infantry divisional attack from the north and an amphibious operation by another division from the south with the aim of crushing the Biafran army in between. The offence was to be supported by the Air Force and the Navy. A third and fourth fronts were introduced later in the war.

Nigeria opened her offensive operations from the northern sector. 1 Area Command NA, supported by an Artillery Brigade, Armored units equipped with British Scorpion tanks, Saladin armored cars and ferrets, and Engineer units, issued its operational orders for OPUNICORD, the code name for the “police” action against the rebels on the 2 July 1967.The offence was launched on two fronts. The command was divided into two brigades with three battalions each. 1 Brigade advanced on the axis Ogugu – Ogunga – Nsukka road while 2nd Brigade advanced on axis Gakem – Obudu – Ogoja road. The rebels successfully repulsed the attack. However, with the many friends the command had made since they concentrated on the border waiting for the order to attack, they began to recruit guides, informants and with this came the intelligence on the disposition of the Biafran troops, their strength and plans and a breakthrough.

By the 10th of July 1967, 1st Bde had captured all its first objectives and if they had had the detail intelligence of the Biafran army on this day they would have pressed on to take Enugu, the Biafran capital. H.M. Njoku remarked, “At Ukehe I could not believe my eyes. All along the way were refugees streaming towards Enugu on Nsukka road. Many of the retreating troops carried self inflicted wounds. Some senior offices complained of malaria, headache, and all sorts of ailments. If the NA knew the situation on the Biafran side on this eventful day and pressed on they would have taken Enugu the same day without resistance.” (4:128)
By the 12th of July the 2nd Bde had captured Obudu, Gakem, and Ogoja. A second front, the southern sector was opened on the 26 July, 1967 by a sea landing on Bonny by a division formed from the Lagos Garrison Organization (LGO). With the support of the Navy, the division established a beach head and exploited north after a fierce sea and land battle. On 8th August 1967, Biafra invaded the former Mid – Western Region with the aim to relieve the pressure on the northern sector and to threaten Lagos, the Federal Capital. While the LGO was making preparations for subsequent operations beyond Bonny, the news of the rebel infiltration into the Mid – West was passed to the commander who was then instructed to leave a battalion in Bonny, suspend all operations there and move to Escravos with two battalions with a view to dislodging the rebels and clearing the riverine area of the Mid – West. These moves were carried out with the support of the Nigerian Navy and the merchant of the National Shipping Line. Another division was formed to support the LGO in the clearing of the Mid – West of the rebels. At this point, the formations were redesignated 1 Area Command became 1 Infantry Division, the newly division was designated 2 Infantry Division, and the LGO became the 3 Infantry Division. And with this the “police action” turned into a full scale military operation.

By the end of September 1969, a substantial part of the Mid – West had been cleared of the rebels. The commander of the 3 Infantry Division secured permission to change the designation of his formation to 3 Marine Commando because of the peculiarly riverine and creek operations already carried out by the division. This was the first time something in the resemblance of a Marine organization was tried in the history of the Nigerian Army. The division was not trained In amphibious operations. Infact the troops were made up of the soldiers of the Lagos Garrison Organization (LGO), the administrative establishment for the Federal capital. However, with some crash training, the division became the most feared and successful throughout the war.

Enugu became the bastion of secession and rebellion and the Federal Government of Nigeria expected that its capture would mean the end of secession. The advance from Nsukka to Enugu began in earnest on 12 September 1967. The rebels counterattacked and for the first time launched their “Red Devil” tanks. These were modified pre – second World War armored personnel carriers made in France. They were dangerous, slow, blind, cumbersome and not easily maneuverable. T hey were easy prey to anti – tank recoilless rifles and bold infantry attack. By the 4th October 1967, Enugu was captured and with this capture 1 Infantry Division took time to refit and reorganize. The division had the erroneous belief that the fall of Enugu would automatically mean the collapse of the rebellIon. 1 Infantry Division decided to give the rebels time to give up secession not knowing that the fire of rebellion was still burning high in the hearts of most Easterners. Ojukwu was callously fanning the fire and riding high on the emotions of his apparently wounded and high spirited people who felt slighted and wanted to revenge for all the events of 1966. It took the division another six months to resume the offence thereby giving the rebels the necessary respite to also reorganize and acquire more ammunition, weapons and equipment to continue the resistance.
The 3 Marine Commando opened another front on the south / south eastern border. With the support of the Navy, Calabar was captured on the 13th October 1967. The capture of Calabar, Warri, Escravos and Bonny established the supremacy of the Federal Government in Nigerian waters and international waters bordering Nigerian coast. Biafra was sealed off leaving Portharcourt Airport as the only means of international communication and transportation with the outside world. It was at this point that Biafran leadership decided to find alternative routes for importation of war materiel and medical aids into the enclave. Three stretches of straight roads were developed into airstrips; Awgu, Uga and Ulli. On 19th May 1968 Portharcourt was captured. With the capture of Enugu, Bonny, Calabar and Portharcourt, the outside world was left in no doubt of the Federal supremacy in the war. The mercenaries fighting for Biafra started deserting. Biafra started to smuggle abroad photographs of starving children and to blackmail Nigeria of genocide. This secured military, economic and political relief from international organizations for Biafra and further lengthened the war and the suffering of the people of Biafra.

By the early 1969, 2nd Infantry Division crossed the Niger River at Idah, after several unsuccessful attempts to cross the river at Asaba, advanced through the already liberated areas of Nsukka and Enugu to capture Onitsha. The division continued its advance towards Owerri. At the same time 1 Infantry Division advanced on Umuahia. The 3 Marine Commando was by now advancing on three fronts: Oguta – Owerinta – Ulli airstrip – Umuahia axis; Portharcourt – Aba – Owerri – Umuahia axis; and Calabar – Uyo – Umuahia axis. The plan was a link up with 1 Infantry Division at Umuahia in order to envelop the rebels and either force them to surrender or to destroy their fighting spirit. his plan, the final offensive, was successfully implemented. Biafra tried unsuccessfully to hold the NA onslaught using guerrilla tactics.
On the 10th January 1970, Lt. Col. Ojukwu, the self proclaimed Head of State of Biafra, on realizing the total chaotic and hopelessness of the situation, handed over to the Commander Biafran Army Maj. Gen. Phillip Effiong, the administration of Biafra and flew out of the enclave with his immediate family members in search of peace. Maj. Gen. Effiong consulted with the Biafra Strategic Committee on the situation and they decided that enough was enough and that the only honorable way out was to surrender.

The war had come and gone. The story of the war and what led to it has been told, is being told and will continue to be told. What seems to me a human tragedy all through ages is the inability of man to learn a good lesson from the past so as to avoid the pitfall of those who had gone before. There is also the innate and unconscious desire of man to remain oblivious of the lessons of the past. He hopes and believes that the past can be ignored, that the present is what matters, that no mistakes of the present can be as serious and grievous as the mistakes of the past. As a result history tends to repeat itself. However, there are exceptions of nations and men who had learnt from history to avoid collective and individual disasters or a repetition of such disasters. I feel confident that Nigeria must join the group of these happy exceptions if we are to have political stability, economic progress, integrated development, social justice, contentment and be the epicenter of African solidarity. Since the end of the civil war, Nigeria has made considerable progress in all these areas.

1. http://www.litencyc.com/theliterarymagazine/biafra.php
2. http://www.clickafrique.com/Magazine/ST014/CP0000000008.aspx%5Bdead link]
3. http://www.africamasterweb.com/BiafranWarCauses.html
4. Genocide and the Europeans, 2010. Page 71.
5. Malcolm MacDonald: Bringing an End to Empire, 1995. Page 416.
6. Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria, 2001. Page 54.
7. Africa 1960–1970: Chronicle and Analysis, 2009. Page 423
8. “Nigerian Civil War”. Polynational War Memorial. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
9. “Biafra: Thirty years on”. Africa (BBC News). Retrieved 4 January 2014. “Ethnic split: At independence, Nigeria had a federal constitution comprising three regions defined by the principal ethnic groups in the country – the Hausa and Fulani in the north, Yoruba in the south-west, and Ibo in the south-east. Crowd The fighting led to famine and chaos but as the military took over in the mid-1960s, and the economic situation worsened, ethnic tensions broke out. Up to 30,000 Ibos were killed in fighting with Hausas, and around 1million refugees fled to their Ibo homeland in the east”
10. David D. Laitin. Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yorubas (1986). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
11. Ijeaku,Nnamdi
12. Biafra Story, Frederick Forsyth, Leo Cooper, 2001 ISBN 0-85052-854-2
13. Audrey Chapman, “Civil War in Nigeria,” Midstream, Feb 1968


Malaysia is a federal constitutional monarchy located in Southeast Asia. It consists of thirteen states and three federal territories and has a total landmass of 329,847 square kilometres (127,350 sq mi) separated by the South China Sea into two similarly sized regions, Peninsular Malaysia and East Malaysia (Malaysian Borneo). Peninsular Malaysia shares a land and maritime border with Thailand and maritime borders with Singapore, Vietnam, and Indonesia. East Malaysia shares land and maritime borders with Brunei and Indonesia and a maritime border with the Philippines. The capital city is Kuala Lumpur, while Putrajaya is the seat of the federal government. In 2010 the population was 28.33 million, with 22.6 million living in Peninsular Malaysia. The southernmost point of continental Eurasia, Tanjung Piai, is in Malaysia, located in the tropics. It is one of 17 megadiverse countries on earth, with large numbers of endemic species.
Malaysia has its origins in the Malay Kingdoms present in the area which, from the 18th century, became subject to the British Empire. The first British territories were known as the Straits Settlements, whose establishment was followed by the Malay kingdoms becoming British protectorates. The territories on Peninsular Malaysia were first unified as the Malayan Union in 1946. Malaya was restructured as the Federation of Malaya in 1948, and achieved independence on 31 August 1957. Malaya united with North Borneo, Sarawak, and Singapore on 16 September 1963, with si being added to give the new country the name Malaysia. Less than two years later in 1965, Singapore was expelled from the federation.
The country is multi-ethnic and multi-cultural, which plays a large role in politics. The constitution declares Islam the state religion while protecting freedom of religion. The government system is closely modelled on the Westminster parliamentary system and the legal system is based on common law. The head of state is the king, known as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. He is an elected monarch chosen from the hereditary rulers of the nine Malay states every five years. The head of government is the Prime Minister.
Since independence, Malaysia has had one of the best economic records in Asia, with GDP growing at an average 6.5% per annum for almost 50 years. The economy has traditionally been fueled by its natural resources, but is expanding in the sectors of science, tourism, commerce and medical tourism. Today, Malaysia has a newly industrialised market economy, ranked third largest in Southeast Asia and 29th largest in the world. It is a founding member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the East Asia Summit and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and a member of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, the Commonwealth of Nations, and the Non-Aligned Movement.
The name “Malaysia” is a combination of the word “Malay” The word Melayu in the Malay may derive from the Tamil words Malai and ur meaning “mountain” and “city, land”, respectively. Malayadvipa was the word used by ancient Indian traders when referring to the Malay Peninsula. Whether or not it originated from these roots, it the word “melayu” or “mlayu” may have been used in early Malay/Javanese to mean to steadily accelerate or run. This term was applied to describe the strong current of the river Melayu in Sumatra. The name was later possibly adopted by the Melayu Kingdom that existed in the 7th century on Sumatra. “Melayu” was later used as the name of the 7-13th century Melayu Kingdom, formed on Sumatra.
Before the onset of European colonisation, the Malay peninsula was known natively as Tanah Melayu (‘Malay Land’). Under a racial classification created by a German scholar Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, the natives of Maritime Southeast Asia were grouped into a single category, the Malay race. Following the expedition of a French navigator Jules Dumont d’Urville to Oceania in 1826, he later proposed the terms of Malaysia, Micronesia and Melanesia to the Société de Géographie in 1831, distinguishing these Pacific cultures and island groups from the existing term Polynesia. Dumont d’Urville described Malaysia as “an area commonly known as the East Indies”. In 1850, the English ethnologist George Samuel Windsor Earl, writing in the Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, proposed naming the islands of Southeast Asia as Melayunesia or Indunesia, favouring the former. In modern terminology, “Malay” remains the name of an ethnoreligious group of Austronesian people predominantly inhabiting the Malay peninsula and portions of adjacent islands of Southeast Asia, including the east coast of Sumatra, the coast of Borneo, and smaller islands that lie between these areas.
The state that gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1957 took the name the Federation of Malaya, chosen in preference to other potential names such as Langkasuka, after the historic kingdom located at the upper section of the Malay Peninsula in the 1st millennium CE. The name “Malaysia” was adopted in 1963 when the existing states of the Federation of Malaya, plus Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak formed a new federation. One theory suggests the name was chosen due to the addition of “si” to “Malaya”, representing the inclusion of Singapore, North Borneo, and Sarawak, in Malaya in 1963. Politicians in the Philippines contemplated renaming their state “Malaysia” before the modern country took the name.
Malaysia is a federal constitutional elective monarchy. The system of government is closely modelled on that of the Westminster parliamentary system, a legacy of British colonial rule. The head of state is the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, commonly referred to as the King. The King is elected to a five-year term by and from among the nine hereditary rulers of the Malay states; the other four states, which have titular Governors, do not participate in the selection. By informal agreement the position is systematically rotated among the nine, and has been held by Abdul Halim of Kedah since December 2011. The King’s role has been largely ceremonial since changes to the constitution in 1994, picking ministers and members of the upper house.
Legislative power is divided between federal and state legislatures. The bicameral federal parliament consists of the lower house, the House of Representatives and the upper house, the Senate. The 222-member House of Representatives is elected for a maximum term of five years from single-member constituencies. All 70 senators sit for three-year terms; 26 are elected by the 13 state assemblies, and the remaining 44 are appointed by the King upon the Prime Minister’s recommendation. The parliament follows a multi-party system and the government is elected through a first-past-the-post system. Since independence Malaysia has been governed by a multi-party coalition known as the Barisan Nasional.
Each state has a unicameral State Legislative Assembly whose members are elected from single-member constituencies. State governments are led by Chief Ministers, who are state assembly members from the majority party in the assembly. In each of the states with a hereditary ruler, the Chief Minister is normally required to be a Malay, appointed by the ruler upon the recommendation of the Prime Minister. Parliamentary elections are held at least once every five years, the most recent of which took place in May 2013. Registered voters of age 21 and above may vote for the members of the House of Representatives and, in most of the states, for the state legislative chamber. Voting is not mandatory. Except for state elections in Sarawak, by convention state elections are held concurrently with the federal election.

Malaysia’s foreign policy is officially based on the principle of neutrality and maintaining peaceful relations with all countries, regardless of their political system. The government attaches a high priority to the security and stability of Southeast Asia, and seeks to further develop relations with other countries in the region. Historically the government has tried to portray Malaysia as a progressive Islamic nation while strengthening relations with other Islamic states. A strong tenet of Malaysia’s policy is national sovereignty and the right of a country to control its domestic affairs.
The policy towards territorial disputes by the government is one of pragmatism, with the government solving disputes in a number of ways, such as bringing the case to the International Court of Justice. The Spratly Islands are disputed by many states in the area, and the entirety of the South China Sea is claimed by China. Nevertheless, unlike its neighbours of Vietnam and the Philippines, Malaysia has avoided any conflicts with China. Brunei and Malaysia in 2009 announced an end to claims of each other’s land, and to resolve issues related to their maritime borders. The Philippines has a dormant claim to Sabah. Singapore’s land reclamation has caused tensions, and maritime border disputes exist with Indonesia.
Malaysia has never recognised Israel and has no diplomatic ties with it. It has remained a strong supporter of the State of Palestine, and has called for Israel to be taken to the International Criminal Court over the Gaza flotilla raid. Malaysian peacekeeping forces are present in Lebanon and have contributed to many other UN peacekeeping missions.
The Malaysian Armed Forces have three branches, the Royal Malaysian Navy, the Malaysian Army, and the Royal Malaysian Air Force. There is no conscription, and the required age for voluntary military service is 18. The military uses 1.5% of the country’s GDP, and employs 1.23% of Malaysia’s manpower. Currently, Malaysia is undergoing major program to expand and modernize all three branches of its armed forces.

Malaysia is a sovereign country located on the Malay Peninsula and a northern portion of the Island of Borneo in Southeast Asia. Malaysia comprises thirteen states and three federal territories with a total land area of 329,847 square kilometres (127,355 sq mi). The capital of Malaysia is Kuala Lumpur, while Putrajaya is the seat of the federal government.
The population stands at over 25 million. The country is separated into two regions—Peninsular Malaysia and Malaysian Borneo—by the South China Sea. Malaysia borders Thailand, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, the Philippines, and Vietnam. The country is located near the equator and experiences a tropical climate.
Malaysia is headed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and politically led by a Prime Minister. The government is closely modeled after the Westminster parliamentary system

1. “Malaysian Flag and Coat of Arms”. Malaysian Government. Retrieved 9 September 2013.
2. “Malaysia”. CIA. Retrieved 27 March 2014.
3. “Malaysia”. United States State Department. 14 July 2010. Retrieved 14 September 2010.
4. Derek Mackay (11 June 2005). Eastern Customs: The Customs Service in British Malaya and the Opium Trade. The Radcliffe Press. pp. 240–. ISBN 978-1-85043-844-1. Retrieved 28 August 2013.
5. Frans Welman. Borneo Trilogy Sarawak: Volume 2. Booksmango. pp. 134–. ISBN 978-616-245-089-1. Retrieved 28 August 2013.
6. Frans Welman. Borneo Trilogy Volume 1: Sabah. Booksmango. pp. 159–. ISBN 978-616-245-078-5. Retrieved 28 May 2013.


Christianity in Africa began in Egypt in the middle of the 1st century. By the end of the 2nd century it had reached the region around Carthage. Important Africans who influenced the early development of Christianity include Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Origen of Alexandria, Cyprian, Athanasius and Augustine of Hippo.
The spread of Islam into North Africa reduced the size of Christian congregations as well as their number, so that of the original churches, only the Coptic Church in Egypt, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church in the Horn of Africa remain. Both the Ethiopian and Eritrean Orthodox churches profess their own distinctive customs, a unique canon of the Bible and distinctive architectures. Neither of these communities of Christians in the Horn of Africa are the product of European missionary work, but were founded prior to missionary work by any European countries.
Christianity is embraced by the majority of the population in most Southern African, Southeast African, and Central African states and others in some parts of Northeast and West Africa. The Coptic Christians make up a significant minority in Egypt. The World Book Encyclopedia has estimated that in 2002 Christians formed 40% of the continent’s population, with Muslims forming 45%. In a relatively short time, Africa has gone from having a majority of followers of indigenous, traditional religions, to being predominantly a continent of Christians and Muslims. Today in 2013, traditional African religions are declared as the majority religion only in Togo. In South Sudan, no official statistics currently exist, and some scholarly studies state that traditional African religions are more popular than Christianity.[2] However, the December 18, 2012, Pew Forum research estimates that in 2010, 6.010 million Christians, 3.270 million traditional African religion followers, 610,000 Muslims and 50,000 unaffiliated (no known religion) peoples lived in South Sudan.[3] This would mean that in 2010 according to Pew Forum, about 60.46% of the population of South Sudan’s 9,940,000 population were Christian while 32.9% were followers of traditional African religions. Importantly, today within most self-declared Christian communities in Africa, there is significant and sustained syncretism with African Traditional Religious beliefs and practices.
Mark the Evangelist became the first bishop of the Orthodox Church of Alexandria in about the year 43. At first the church in Alexandria was mainly Greek-speaking. By the end of the 2nd century the scriptures and liturgy had been translated into three local languages. Christianity in Sudan also spread in the early 1st century, and the Nubian churches there were linked to those of Egypt.
Christianity also grew in northwestern Africa (today known as the Maghreb). The churches there were linked to the Church of Rome and provided Pope Gelasius I, Pope Miltiades and Pope Victor I, all of them Christian Berbers like Saint Augustine and his mother Saint Monica.
At the beginning of the 3rd century the church in Alexandria expanded rapidly, with five new suffragan bishoprics. At this time, the Bishop of Alexandria began to be called Pope, as the senior bishop in Egypt. In the middle of the 3rd century the church in Egypt suffered severely in the persecution under the Emperor Decius. Many Christians fled from the towns into the desert. When the persecution died down, however, some remained in the desert as hermits to pray. This was the beginning of Christian monasticism, which over the following years spread from Africa to other parts of the Gohar, and Europe through France and Ireland.
The early 4th century in Egypt began with renewed persecution under the Emperor Diocletian. In the Ethiopian/Eritrean Kingdom of Aksum, King Ezana declared Christianity the official religion after having been converted by Frumentius, resulting in the foundation of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church.
In these first few centuries, African Christian leaders such as Origen, Lactantius, Augustine, Tertullian, Marius Victorinus, Pachomius, Didymus the Blind, Ticonius, Cyprian, Athanasius and Cyril (along with rivals Valentinus, Plotinus, Arius and Donatus Magnus) influenced the Christian world outside Africa with responses to Gnosticism, Arianism, Montanism, Marcionism, Pelagianism and Manichaeism, and the idea of the University (after the Library of Alexandria), understanding of the Trinity, Vetus Latina translations, methods of exegesis and biblical interpretation, ecumenical councils, monasticism, Neoplatonism and African literary, dialectical and rhetorical traditions.
After the Arab conquest
The conventional historical view is that the conquest of North Africa by the Islamic Umayyad Caliphate between AD 647–709 effectively ended Catholicism in Africa for several centuries.[8] The prevailing view is that the Church at that time lacked the backbone of a monastic tradition and was still suffering from the aftermath of heresies including the so-called Donatist heresy, and this contributed to the earlier obliteration of the Church in the present day Maghreb. Some historians contrast this with the strong monastic tradition in Coptic Egypt, which is credited as a factor that allowed the Coptic Church to remain the majority faith in that country until around after the 14th century.
However, new scholarship has appeared that disputes this. There are reports that the Roman Catholic faith persisted in the region from Tripolitania (present-day western Libya) to present-day Morocco for several centuries after the completion of the Arab conquest by 700. A Christian community is recorded in 1114 in Qal’a in central Algeria. There is also evidence of religious pilgrimages after 850 to tombs of Catholic saints outside the city of Carthage, and evidence of religious contacts with Christians of Arab Spain. In addition, calendar reforms adopted in Europe at this time were disseminated amongst the indigenous Christians of Tunis, which would have not been possible had there been an absence of contact with Rome.
Local Catholicism came under pressure when the Muslim regimes of the Almohads and Almoravids came into power, and the record shows demands made that the local Christians of Tunis convert to Islam. There are reports of Christian inhabitants and a bishop in the city of Kairouan around 1150 AD – a significant event, since this city was founded by Arab Muslims around 680 AD as their administrative center after their conquest. A letter in Catholic Church archives from the 14th century shows that there were still four bishoprics left in North Africa, admittedly a sharp decline from the over four hundred bishoprics in existence at the time of the Arab conquest.[11] Berber Christians continued to live in Tunis and Nefzaoua in the south of Tunisia up until the early 15th century, and in the first quarter of the 15th century we even read that the native Christians of Tunis, though much assimilated, extended their church, perhaps because the last Christians from all over the Maghreb had gathered there.
By 1830, when the French came as colonial conquerors to Algeria and Tunis, local Catholicism had been extinguished. The growth of Catholicism in the region after the French conquest was built on European colonizers and settlers, and these immigrants and their descendants mostly left when the countries of the region became independent.
Current status
Christianity is now one of the two most widely practiced religions in Africa. There has been tremendous growth in the number of Christians in Africa – coupled by a relative decline in adherence to traditional African religions. Only nine million Christians were in Africa in 1900, but by the year 2000, there were an estimated 380 million Christians. According to a 2006 Pew Forum on Religion and Public life study, 147 million African Christians were “renewalists” (Pentecostals and Charismatics). According to David Barrett, most of the 552,000 congregations in 11,500 denominations throughout Africa in 1995 are completely unknown in the West.[14] Much of the recent Christian growth in Africa is now due to African evangelism rather than European missionaries. Christianity in Africa shows tremendous variety, from the ancient forms of Oriental Orthodox Christianity in Egypt, Ethiopia, and Eritrea to the newest African-Christian denominations of Nigeria, a country that has experienced large conversion to Christianity in recent times. Several syncretistic and messianic sections have formed throughout much of the continent, including the Nazareth Baptist Church in South Africa and the Aladura churches in Nigeria. There are also fairly widespread populations of Seventh-day Adventists and Jehovah’s Witnesses.
Some experts predict the shift of Christianity’s center from the European industrialized nations to Africa and Asia in modern times. Yale University historian Lamin Sanneh stated that “African Christianity was not just an exotic, curious phenomenon in an obscure part of the world, but that African Christianity might be the shape of things to come.” The statistics from the World Christian Encyclopedia (David Barrett) illustrate the emerging trend of dramatic Christian growth on the continent and supposes, that in 2025 there will be 633 million Christians in Africa.

1. http://www.africanchristian.org African Christianity
2. G. Arnold, Book Review: Douglas H. Johnson, The Root Causes of Sudan’s Civil Wars. African Journal of Political Science, Vol.8 No. 1, 2003. p.147
3. Pew Forum on Religion
4. Rosalind Shaw, Charles Stewart, Syncretism/Anti-Syncretism: The Politics of Religious Synthesis (1994), books.google.com/books?isbn=0203451090
5. Eusebius of Caesarea, the author of Ecclesiastical History in the 4th century, states that St. Mark came to Egypt in the first or third year of the reign of Emperor Claudius, i.e. 41 or 43 A.D. “Two Thousand years of Coptic Christianity”, Otto F.A. Meinardus, p.28.
6. Jakobielski, S. Christian Nubia at the Height of its Civilization (Chapter 8). UNESCO. University of California Press. San Francisco, 1992. ISBN 9780520066984
7. Oden, Thomas C. How Africa shaped the Christian Mind,

A capitalist economy is an economic system in which the production and distribution of commodities take place through the mechanism of free markets. Hence it is also called as market economy or free trade economy.
Each individual be it a producer, consumer or resource owner has considerable economic freedom.
An individual has the freedom to buy and sell any number of goods and services and to choose any occupation. Thus a market economy has no central coordinator guiding its operation. But self-organization emerges amidst the functioning of market forces namely supply, demand and price.
Main features of a capitalist economy are as follows:
(i) It is an economic system in which each individual in his capacity as a consumer, producer and resource owner is engaged in economic activity with a great degree of economic freedom.
(ii) The factors of production are privately owned and managed by individuals.
(iii) The main motive behind the working of the capitalist system is the profit motive. The entrepreneurs initiate production with a view to maximize profits.
(iv) Income is received in monetary form through the sale of services of the factors of production and fro: profits of private enterprise.
(v) Capitalist economy is not planned, controlled or regulated by the government. In this system, economic decisions and activities are guided by price mechanism which operates automatically without any direction and control by the central authorities.
(vi) Competition is the most important feature of the capitalist economy. It means the existence of large number of buyers and sellers in the market who are motivated by their self-interest but cannot influence market decisions by their individual actions.
• Increase in productivity: In a capitalist economy every farmer, trader or industrialist can hold property and use it in any way he likes. He increases the productivity to meet his own self-interest. This in turn leads to increase in income, saving and investment.
• Maximizes the Welfare: It is claimed that there is efficiency in production and resource use without any plan. The self-interest of individual also promotes society’s welfare.
• Flexible System: The shortages and surpluses in the economy are generally adjusted by the forces of demand and supply. Thus it operates automatically through the price mechanism.
• Non-interference of the State: The State has a minimum role to play. There is no conflict between the individual interest and the society. The economic institutions function automatically preventing the interference of the government.
• Low cost and qualitative products: The consumers and producers have full freedom and therefore it leads to production of quality products at low costs and prices.
• Technological improvement: The element of competition under capitalism drives the producers to innovate something new to boost the sales and thereby bring about progress.
• Inequalities: Capitalism creates extreme inequalities in income and wealth. The producers, landlords, traders reap huge profits and accumulate wealth. Thus the rich become richer and the poor poorer. The poor with limited means are unable to compete with the rich. Thus capitalism widens the gap between the rich and the poor creating inequality.
• Leads to Monopoly: Inequality leads to monopoly. Mega corporate units replace smaller units of production. Firms combine to form cartels, trusts and in this process bring about reduction in number of firms engaged in production. They ultimately emerge as multinational corporations (MNCs) or transnational corporations (TNCs). They often hike prices against the welfare of consumer.
• Depression: There is over-production of goods due to heavy competition. The rich exploit the poor. The poor are not able to take advantage of the production and hence are exploited. At another level, over-production leads to glut in the market and hence depression. This leads to economic instabilities.
• Mechanisation and Automation: Capitalism encourages mechanization and automation. This will result in unemployment particularly in labour surplus economies.
• Welfare ignored: Under capitalism, private enterprises produce luxury goods which give higher profits and ignore the basic goods required which give less profit. Thus the welfare of public is ignored.
• Exploitation of Labour: Stringent labour laws are enacted for the exclusive profit-motive of capitalists. Fire and hire policy will become the order of the day. Such laws also help to exploit the labour by keeping their wage rate at its lowest minimum.
• Basic social needs are ignored:-There are many basic social sectors like literacy, public health, poverty, drinking water, social welfare, and social security. As the profit margin in these sectors is low, capitalists will not invest. Hence most of these vital human issues will be ignored in a capitalist system.
There are many variants of capitalism in existence that differ according to country and region. They vary in their institutional makeup and by their economic policies. The common features among all the different forms of capitalism is that they are based on the production of goods and services for profit, predominately market-based allocation of resources, and they are structured upon the accumulation of capital. The major forms of capitalism are listed below:
Mercantilism is a nationalist form of early capitalism that came into existence approximately in the late 16th century. It is characterized by the intertwining of national business interests to state-interest and imperialism, and consequently, the state apparatus is utilized to advance national business interests abroad. An example of this is colonists living in America who were only allowed to trade with and purchase goods from their respective mother countries (Britain, France, etc.). Mercantilism holds that the wealth of a nation is increased through a positive balance of trade with other nations, and corresponds to the phase of capitalist development called the Primitive accumulation of capital.
Free-market economy
Free-market economy refers to a capitalist economic system where prices for goods and services are set freely by the forces of supply and demand and are allowed to reach their point of equilibrium without intervention by government policy. It typically entails support for highly competitive markets, private ownership of productive enterprises. Laissez-faire is a more extensive form of free-market economy where the role of the state is limited to protecting property rights.
Social-market economy
A social-market economy is a nominally free-market system where government intervention in price formation is kept to a minimum but the state provides significant services in the area of social security, unemployment benefits and recognition of labor rights through national collective bargaining arrangements. This model is prominent in Western and Northern European countries, and Japan, albeit in slightly different configurations. The vast majority of enterprises are privately owned in this economic model.
Rhine capitalism refers to the contemporary model of capitalism and adaptation of the social market model that exists in continental Western Europe today.
State capitalism
State capitalism consists of state ownership of the means of production within a state, and the organization of state enterprises as commercial, profit-seeking businesses. The debate between proponents of private versus state capitalism is centered around questions of managerial efficacy, productive efficiency, and fair distribution of wealth.
According to Aldo Musacchio, a professor at Harvard Business School, it is a system in which governments, whether democratic or autocratic, exercise a widespread influence on the economy, through either direct ownership or various subsidies. Musacchio also emphasizes the difference between today’s state capitalism and its predecessors. Gone are the days when governments appointed bureaucrats to run companies. The world’s largest state-owned enterprises are traded on the public markets and kept in good health by large institutional investors.
Corporate capitalism
Corporate capitalism is a free or mixed-market economy characterized by the dominance of hierarchical, bureaucratic corporations.
Mixed economy
A mixed economy is a largely market-based economy consisting of both private and public ownership of the means of production and economic interventionism through macroeconomic policies intended to correct market failures, reduce unemployment and keep inflation low. The degree of intervention in markets varies among different countries. Some mixed economies, such as France under dirigisme, also featured a degree of indirect economic planning over a largely capitalist-based economy.
Most capitalist economies are defined as “mixed economies” to some degree.

Capitalist economies was carried across the world by broader processes of globalization such as imperialism and, by the end of the nineteenth century, became the dominant global economic system, in turn intensifying processes of economic and other globalization. Later, in the 20th century, capitalism overcame a challenge by centrally-planned economies and is now the encompassing system worldwide, with the mixed economy being its dominant form in the industrialized Western world.
Different economic perspectives emphasize specific elements of capitalism in their preferred definition. Laissez-faire and liberal economists emphasize the degree to which government does not have control over markets and the importance of property rights. Neoclassical and Keynesian macro-economists emphasize the need for government regulation to prevent monopolies and to soften the effects of the boom and bust cycle. Marxian economists emphasize the role of capital accumulation, exploitation and wage labor. Most political economists emphasize private property as well, in addition to power relations, wage labor, class, and the uniqueness of capitalism as a historical formation.

• Bacher, Christian (2007). Capitalism, Ethics and the Paradoxon of Self-Exploitation. Munich: GRIN Verlag. p. 2. ISBN 978-3-638-63658-2.
• De George, Richard T. (1986). Business Ethics. New York: Macmillan. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-02-328010-8.
• Fulcher, James (2004). Capitalism A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280218-7.
• James, Paul; Gills, Barry (2007). Globalization and Economy, Vol. 1: Global Markets and Capitalism. London: Sage Publications.
• Lash, Scott; Urry, John (2000). “Capitalism”. In Abercrombie, Nicholas; Hill, Stephen; Turner, Bryan S. The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology (4th ed.). London: Penguin Books. pp. 36–40. ISBN 978-0-14-051380-6.
• McCraw, Thomas K. (August 2011). “The Current Crisis and the Essence of Capitalism”. The Montreal Review. ISSN 0707-9656.
• Obrinsky, Mark (1983). Profit Theory and Capitalism. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press – via Questia (subscription required). p. 1. ISBN 978-0-8122-7863-7.
• Wolf, Eric R. (1982). Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04459-3.
• Wood, Ellen Meiksins (2002). The Origin of Capitalism: A Longer View. London: Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-392-5.


Comparative public administration is defined as the study of administrative systems in a comparative fashion or the study of public administration in other countries. Another definition for “comparative public administration” is the “quest for patterns and regularities in administrative action and behavior”. The Comparative Administration group has defined CPA as, “the of publicadministration applied to diverse cultures and national setting and the body of factual data, by which it can be examined and tested.”
Comparative Public Administration (CPA) is an applied, intercultural, interdisciplinary, explanatory field of study which carries out cross-cultural investigations in order to provide solutions for management problems sooner and develop management technologies further.
1) Ideal or Bureaucratic Approach: Bureaucratic specifications are studied for reaching conclusions and developing understanding. Under this approach structures of organisations are analysed in terms of their horizontal differentiation, vertical differentiation,span of control, etc. Procedures and rules are analysed and the framework of functioning is determined. Job specifications and descriptions at various nodes are analysed and some understanding is reached on the basis of elaborateness and degree of specialisation compared in regards to different administrative systems.

The limitations of this approach is that though it has been considered simple but it does not explain the structures and their functions in society and gives a very general observation.

2) Structural – Functional Approach : It is considered as a very popular approach for comparing various administrative systems and was implemented by Fred W. Riggs in his study for developing his Models of society/environment/ecology which will be discussed later in this article. This approach analyses society in terms of its various structures and their functions for reaching an understanding regarding their positioning and functioning. Structures here can refer to govt.(political arrangement) and abstract like values systems in society. Function is seen as the discharge of duties by these structures in the society.

The limitation of this approach is that there has to be a correct identification of the structures before proceeding to analyse them especially in agraria-transitia and fused-prismatic societies.

3) Ecological Approach: Devised by Riggs this approach states that structures and their functions exist in an inter dependant manner. So if a study is to be undertaken of a particular structure and its function then its effects on other systems and their functions of society are also to be analysed. Limitations are that this approach is highly complex and difficult to apply.

Comparative public administrative is a very significant area of study in Public Administration as it helps in understanding Administrative setups and their functioning in various settings and societies/countries and what works and why it works. Also, it helps improvise administrative systems making them more efficient together with helping in adding and improvising the already existing literature/theories of Public Administration thus leading to a strong and practical theory of the subject with the help of practical experiments and analysis.



Aluminium is a chemical element in the boron group with symbol Al and atomic number 13. It is a silvery white, soft, ductile metal. Aluminium is the third most abundant element (after oxygen and silicon), and the most abundant metal in the Earth’s crust. It makes up about 8% by weight of the Earth’s solid surface. Aluminium metal is so chemically reactive that native specimens are rare and limited to extreme reducing environments. Instead, it is found combined in over 270 different minerals. The chief ore of aluminium is bauxite.
Aluminium is remarkable for the metal’s low density and for its ability to resist corrosion due to the phenomenon of passivation. Structural components made from aluminium and its alloys are vital to the aerospace industry and are important in other areas of transportation and structural materials. The most useful compounds of aluminium, at least on a weight basis, are the oxides and sulfates.
Despite its prevalence in the environment, no known form of life uses aluminium salts metabolically. In keeping with its pervasiveness, aluminium is well tolerated by plants and animals. Owing to their prevalence, potential beneficial (or otherwise) biological roles of aluminium compounds are of continuing interest.
Aluminium production starts with the raw material bauxite, a clay like soil type found in a belt around the equator. The bauxite is mined from a few meters below the ground. The bauxite is then transported to plants where the clay is washed off and the bauxite passes through a grinder. Alumina, or aluminium oxide, is extracted from the bauxite through refining. Alumina is separated from the bauxite by using a hot solution of caustic soda and lime. The mixture is heated and filtered, and the remaining alumina is dried to a white powder.
Alumina — or aluminium oxide (Al2O3) is produced from extracted ore. Despite its name, it has nothing to do with clay or black soil but resembles a flour or very white sand. Alumina is then transformed into aluminium through electrolytic reduction. One tonne of aluminium is produced from every two tonnes of alumina.
Bauxite consist of 40-60% alumina, as well as earth silicon, ferrous oxide, and titanium dioxide. To separate pure alumina, the Bayer process is applied. First, the ore is heated in an autoclave with caustic soda. It is then cooled and a solid residue — «red mud» — is separated from the liquid. Aluminium hydroxide is then extracted from this solution and calcined to produce pure alumina.
The final stage is the reduction of aluminium through the Hall-Heroult process. It is based on the following principle: when the alumina solution is electrolyzed in molten cryolite (Na3AlF6), pure aluminium is produced. The reduction cell bottom serves as a cathode, and coal bars immersed in cryolite serve as anodes. Molten aluminium is deposited under a cryolite solution with 3-5% alumina. During this process, temperatures reach 950°C, considerably higher than the melting point of the metal itself, which is 660°C.
Aluminium production technology applies pre-baked anodes, a method used at many European and American aluminium smelters, and characterised by less power consumption and a negative impact on the environment. The anodes are baked in huge gas furnaces and then, having been fixed into holders, are lowered into a furnace. Consumed electrodes are replaced with new ones and remaining ‘butts’ are sent away for recycling.


Aluminium alloys are alloys in which aluminium (Al) is the predominant metal. The typical alloying elements are copper, magnesium, manganese, silicon, tin and zinc. There are two principal classifications, namely casting alloys and wrought alloys, both of which are further subdivided into the categories heat-treatable and non-heat-treatable. About 85% of aluminium is used for wrought products, for example rolled plate, foils and extrusions. Cast aluminium alloys yield cost-effective products due to the low melting point, although they generally have lower tensile strengths than wrought alloys. The most important cast aluminium alloy system is Al–Si, where the high levels of silicon (4.0–13%) contribute to give good casting characteristics. Aluminium alloys are widely used in engineering structures and components where light weight or corrosion resistance is required.
Alloys composed mostly of aluminium have been very important in aerospace manufacturing since the introduction of metal skinned aircraft. Aluminium-magnesium alloys are both lighter than other aluminium alloys and much less flammable than alloys that contain a very high percentage of magnesium.
Aluminium alloy surfaces will formulate a white, protective layer of corrosion aluminium oxide if left unprotected by anodizing and/or correct painting procedures. In a wet environment, galvanic corrosion can occur when an aluminium alloy is placed in electrical contact with other metals with more negative corrosion potentials than aluminium, and an electrolyte is present that allows ion exchange. Referred to as dissimilar metal corrosion this process can occur as exfoliation or intergranular corrosion. Aluminium alloys can be improperly heat treated. This causes internal element separation and the metal corrodes from the inside out. Aircraft mechanics deal daily with aluminium alloy corrosion.
Aluminium alloy compositions are registered with The Aluminum Association. Many organizations publish more specific standards for the manufacture of aluminium alloy, including the Society of Automotive Engineers standards organization, specifically its aerospace standards subgroups, and ASTM International.
Aluminium alloys with a wide range of properties are used in engineering structures. Alloy systems are classified by a number system (ANSI) or by names indicating their main alloying constituents (DIN and ISO).
The strength and durability of aluminium alloys vary widely, not only as a result of the components of the specific alloy, but also as a result of heat treatments and manufacturing processes. A lack of knowledge of these aspects has from time to time led to improperly designed structures and gained aluminium a bad reputation.
One important structural limitation of aluminium alloys is their fatigue strength. Unlike steels, aluminium alloys have no well-defined fatigue limit, meaning that fatigue failure eventually occurs, under even very small cyclic loadings. This implies that engineers must assess these loads and design for a fixed life rather than an infinite life.
Another important property of aluminium alloys is their sensitivity to heat. Workshop procedures involving heating are complicated by the fact that aluminium, unlike steel, melts without first glowing red. Forming operations where a blow torch is used therefore require some expertise, since no visual signs reveal how close the material is to melting. Aluminium alloys, like all structural alloys, also are subject to internal stresses following heating operations such as welding and casting. The problem with aluminium alloys in this regard is their low melting point, which make them more susceptible to distortions from thermally induced stress relief. Controlled stress relief can be done during manufacturing by heat-treating the parts in an oven, followed by gradual cooling—in effect annealing the stresses.
The low melting point of aluminium alloys has not precluded their use in rocketry; even for use in constructing combustion chambers where gases can reach 3500 K. The Agena upper stage engine used a regeneratively cooled aluminium design for some parts of the nozzle, including the thermally critical throat region.
Another alloy of some value is aluminium bronze (Cu-Al alloy).
The Bayer Process is the most economic means of obtaining alumina from bauxite. Other processes for obtaining alumina from metal ores are also in use in some refineries, particularly in China and Russia, although these make up a relatively small percentage of global production.

The process stages are:
1. Milling
The bauxite is washed and crushed, reducing the particle size and increasing the available surface area for the digestion stage. Lime and “spent liquor” (caustic soda returned from the precipitation stage) are added at the mills to make a pumpable slurry.
2. Desilication
Bauxites that have high levels of silica (SiO2) go through a process to remove this impurity. Silica can cause problems with scale formation and quality of the final product.
3. Digestion
A hot caustic soda (NaOH) solution is used to dissolve the aluminium-bearing minerals in the bauxite (gibbsite, böhmite and diaspore) to form a sodium aluminate supersaturated solution or “pregnant liquor”.
Al(OH)3 + Na+ + OH- → Al(OH)4- + Na+
Böhmite and Diaspore:
AlO(OH) + Na+ + OH- + H2O → Al(OH)4- + Na+
Conditions within the digester (caustic concentration, temperature and pressure) are set according to the properties of the bauxite ore. Ores with a high gibbsite content can be processed at 140°C, while böhmitic bauxites require temperatures between 200 and 280°C. The pressure is not important for the process as such, but is defined by the steam saturation pressure of the process. At 240°C the pressure is approximately 3.5 MPa.
The slurry is then cooled in a series of flash tanks to around 106°C at atmospheric pressure and by flashing off steam. This steam is used to preheat spent liquor. In some high temperature digestion refineries, higher quality bauxite (trihydrate) is injected into the flash train to boost production. This “sweetening ” process also reduces the energy usage per tonne of production.
Although higher temperatures are often theoretically advantageous, there are several potential disadvantages, including the possibility of oxides other than alumina dissolving into the caustic liquor.
4. Clarification/Settling
The first stage of clarification is to separate the solids (bauxite residue) from the pregnant liquor (sodium aluminate remains in solution) via sedimentation. Chemical additives (flocculants) are added to assist the sedimentation process. The bauxite residue sinks to the bottom of the settling tanks, then is transferred to the washing tanks, where it undergoes a series of washing stages to recover the caustic soda (which is reused in the digestion process).
Further separation of the pregnant liquor from the bauxite residue is performed utilising a series of security filters. The purpose of the security filters is to ensure that the final product is not contaminated with impurities present in the residue.
Depending on the requirements of the residue storage facility, further thickening, filtration and/or neutralisation stages are employed prior to it being pumped to the bauxite residue disposal area.
5. Precipitation
In this stage, the alumina is recovered by crystallisation from the pregnant liquor, which is supersaturated in sodium aluminate.
The crystalisation process is driven by progressive cooling of the pregnant liquor, resulting in the formation of small crystals of aluminium trihydroxite (Al(OH)3, commonly known as “hydrate”), which then grow and agglomerate to form larger crystals. The precipitation reaction is the reverse of the gibbsite dissolution reaction in the digestion stage:
Al(OH)4- + Na+ → Al(OH)3 + Na+ + OH-
6. Evaporation
The spent liquor is heated through a series of heat exchangers and subsequently cooled in a series of flash tanks. The condensate formed in the heaters is re-used in the process, for instance as boiler feed water or for washing bauxite residue. The remaining caustic soda is washed and recycled back into the digestion process.
7. Classification
The gibbsite crystals formed in precipitation are classified into size ranges. This is normally done using cyclones or gravity classification tanks (a series of thickeners utilising the same principles as settlers / washers on the clarification stage). The coarse size crystals are destined for calcination after being separated from spent liquor utilising vacuum filtration, where the solids are washed with hot water.
The fine crystals, after being washed to remove organic impurities, are returned to the precipitation stage as fine seed to be agglomerated.
8. Calcination
The filter cake is fed into calciners where they are roasted at temperatures of up to 1100°C to drive off free moisture and chemically-connected water, producing alumina solids. There are different calcination technologies in use, including gas suspension calciners, fluidised bed calciners and rotary kilns.
The following equation describes the calcination reaction:
2Al(OH)3 → Al2O3 + 3H2O
Alumina, a white powder, is the product of this step and the final product of the Bayer Process, ready for shipment to aluminium smelters or the chemical industry.
Here, the refined alumina is transformed into aluminium.Three different raw materials are needed to make aluminium, aluminium oxide, electricity and carbon. Electricity is run between a negative cathode and a positive anode, both made of carbon. The anode reacts with the oxygen in the alumina and forms CO2. The result is liquid aluminium, which can now be tapped from the cells. The liquid aluminium is cast into extrusion ingots, sheet ingots or foundry alloys, all depending on what it will be used for. The aluminium is transformed into different products.

Aluminium production is very energy-intensive. It is for this reason that the most efficient place to construct aluminium smelters is in remote regions, where there is free access to power sources. Alumina is the most widespread metal in nature: making up about 8.8% of the earth’s crust. Due to its chemical reactivity, it almost doesn’t exist in free form. Contrary to popular opinion, aluminium mines do not exist, and only a few minerals and rocks containing aluminium are suitable for industrial production.
Aluminium is theoretically 100% recyclable without any loss of its natural qualities. According to the International Resource Panel’s Metal Stocks in Society report, the global per capita stock of aluminium in use in society (i.e. in cars, buildings, electronics etc.) is 80 kg. Much of this is in more-developed countries (350–500 kg per capita) rather than less-developed countries (35 kg per capita). Knowing the per capita stocks and their approximate lifespans is important for planning recycling.

1. Aluminium monoxide
2. Aluminium iodide
3. Lide, D. R. (2000). “Magnetic susceptibility of the elements and inorganic compounds”. CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics (81st ed.). CRC Press. ISBN 0849304814.
4. “Aluminum”. Los Alamos National Laboratory. Retrieved 3 March 2013.
5. Shakhashiri, B. Z. (17 March 2008). “Chemical of the Week: Aluminum”. SciFun.org. University of Wisconsin. Retrieved 4 March 2012.
6. Frank, W. B. (2009). “Aluminum”. Ullmann’s Encyclopedia of Industrial Chemistry. Wiley-VCH. doi:10.1002/14356007.a01_459.pub2.
7. Polmear, I. J. (1995). Light Alloys: Metallurgy of the Light Metals (3rd ed.). Butterworth-Heinemann. ISBN 978-0-340-63207-9.
8. Dieter, G. E. (1988). Mechanical Metallurgy. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 0-07-016893-8.
9. Cochran, J. F.; Mapother, D. E. (1958). “Superconducting Transition in Aluminum”. Physical Review 111 (1): 132–142. Bibcode:1958PhRv..111..132C. doi:10.1103/PhysRev.111.132.
10. Christian Vargel (2004) [French edition published 1999]. Corrosion of Aluminium. Elsevier. ISBN 0 08 044495 4.
11. Macleod, H. A. (2001). Thin-film optical filters. CRC Press. pp. 158–159. ISBN 0-7503-0688-2.
12. “Reaction of Aluminum with Water to Produce Hydrogen”. U.S. Department of Energy. 1 January 2008.
13. Dickin, A. P. (2005). “In situ Cosmogenic Isotopes”. Radiogenic Isotope Geology. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-53017-0.


Nigeria is a federal constitutional republic comprising 36 states and its Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Nigeria is located in West Africa and shares land borders with the Republic of Benin in the west, Chad and Cameroon in the east, and Niger in the north. Its coast in the south lies on the Gulf of Guinea in the Atlantic Ocean.
While Sudan is an Arab republic in the Nile Valley of North Africa, bordered by Egypt to the north, the Red Sea, Eritrea and Ethiopia to the east, South Sudan to the south, the Central African Republic to the southwest, Chad to the west and Libya to the northwest. It is the third largest country in Africa. The Nile River divides the country into eastern and western halves. Its predominant religion is Islam.
Sudan was home to numerous ancient civilizations, such as the Kingdom of Kush, Kerma, Nobatia, Alodia, Makuria, Meroë and others, most of which flourished along the Nile River. During the predynastic period Nubia and Nagadan Upper Egypt were identical, simultaneously evolved systems of pharaonic kingship by 3300 BC.[15] By virtue of its proximity to Egypt, the Sudan participated in the wider history of the Near East inasmuch as it was Christianized by the 6th century, and Islamized in the 7th. As a result of Christianization, the Old Nubian language stands as the oldest recorded Nilo-Saharan language (earliest records dating to the 9th century). Sudan was the largest country in Africa and the Arab world until 2011, when South Sudan separated into an independent country, following an independence referendum. Sudan is now the third largest country in Africa (after Algeria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo) and also the third largest country in the Arab world (after Algeria and Saudi Arabia).
Education in Nigeria is overseen by the Ministry of Education. And the local authorities take responsibility for implementing policy for state-controlled public education and state schools at a regional level. The education system is divided into Kindergarten, primary education, secondary education and tertiary education.
The Nigerian educational system has traditionally been called the 6-3-3-4 system. Each number represents the number of years spent at each level of education.
The first 6 years are the numbers of years spent in Primary school; the next 3 years are spent in the Junior Secondary School (JSS); the next 3 years represent the Senior Secondary School (SSS); the last 4 years are the University years.
The years spent at the university vary from four to six years, depending on the course of study. Most of the courses in the Humanities take four years, while the courses in the Medical Sciences and Technology take over four years.
Recently, an amendment was made to the 6-3-3-4 system of education.
The new educational system is the 9-3-4 system, which merges the 6 primary school years and the 3 Junior Secondary School years.
Education in Sudan is free and compulsory for children aged 6 to 13 years. Primary education consists of eight years, followed by three years of secondary education. The former educational ladder 6 + 3 + 3 was changed in 1990. The primary language at all levels is Arabic. Schools are concentrated in urban areas; many in the South and West have been damaged or destroyed by years of civil war. In 2001 the World Bank estimated that primary enrollment was 46 percent of eligible pupils and 21 percent of secondary students. Enrollment varies widely, falling below 20 percent in some provinces. Sudan has 19 universities; instruction is primarily in Arabic. Education at the secondary and university levels has been seriously hampered by the requirement that most males perform military service before completing their education.
The literacy rate is 70.2% of total population, male: 79.6%, female: 60.8%.
The educational system of modern Sudan is rooted in the Islamic culture of the northern riverain Arabs, and influenced by previous British imperial policy and the Mahdist nationalist sentiment prior to the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium era. In this exclusivist and missionary-minded system of education, the Arab language is the medium of instruction and socialization into the Islamic umma, or community of Muslims, distinct from those outside the community who are collectively referred to as the kafir, or nonbelievers in the message of the Prophet Mohammed. The Islamization of the Sudan has been a sometimes gradual, sometimes violent and sudden process of conversion, coalescing, integration, and intermarriage, until the various communities and social institutions of northern Sudan became woven into the very fabric of the greater Islamic umma. Islamic rituals, such as the observance of juma’a (Friday) prayers, the observance of holy days such as Eid Al Adha and Eid Al Fitr, and the establishment of Shari’a (Islamic law), identify the Muslim faithful as members of what is believed to be the universal true religion, whose adherents follow the final revelation of Allah (the one god), such revelation having been given through the Prophet Mohammed. In reciting the shahada, or the confession of the oneness of Allah and the prophethood of Mohammed, “There is one God, and Mohammed is the prophet of God,” the believers submit themselves to Allah and the societal structure ordained in the Quran and the hadith, or traditions of the Prophet. Islamic societal governance is so closely intertwined with religious doctrine that the distinction between secular and sacred does not exist in fundamentalist Islamic ideology.
Unfortunately, the rule of Islamists in modern day Sudan, notably since the NIF (National Islamic Front) backed military coup of 1989, has gone against Islamic tradition. Rather than reaffirming the positive social aspects of the Islamic faith, Islam in the Sudan has been the path to political power, and a potent ideological weapon for maintaining that power. Hourani (1991) observed the dangers of such misguided use of religion for political ends:
The inherited wisdom of the ‘ulema was that they should not link themselves too closely with the government of the world; they should keep a moral distance from it, while preserving their access to rulers and influence upon them: it was dangerous to tie the eternal interests of Islam to the fate of a transient ruler of the world.
1. The educational system in Nigeria has been able to produce great intellectual minds like Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, Ola Rotimi, etc and still producing many more like me.
2. The system has attended the much need manpower in the labour sector of the economy.
3. The Nigeria education system is short of funds to prosecute it numerous programmes
4. The system lack qualified manpower
5. The ratio of school dropout is high due to raging poverty in the country
6. The ratio of girl child attendance in the north is low, while that of the male child attendance in the south east is also low.
1. The system in Sudan is much more centralized as government at the centre is the sole care taker of educational system in the country.
2. The educational system in the country has been islamalized.
3. The system uses the Arabic language as means of communication thereby denying other non Arabic speakers the chance to learn or speak their language
4. The educational system of modern Sudan is rooted in the Islamic culture of the northern riverain Arabs, and influenced by previous British imperial policy and the Mahdist nationalist sentiment prior to the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium era.
1. In both countries, educational infrastructure should be upgrade and provided where it’s not available.
2. Government of both countries should allow private participation in the sector so as to give room for improvement.
3. Funds should be mapped out for education programmes and its implementation should be followed with outmost political will.
4. Adequate measures should be put in place to discourage school drop outs
5. Free education should be provided at least in the primary or even in the secondary sections so as to encourage child enrolments.

Nigeria has made considerable progress in the domain of education. The education system in the country is supervised by the state. There are 27 federal and state-owned polytechnics in Nigeria. The first 6 years of primary education are mandatory in Nigeria. Nigeria is making a steady progress in the development of education. Many universities and schools have been established by the state. However, much still needs to be done.

Primary education in Nigeria is in the native language but brings in English in the third year. Higher Education has developed considerably over the years, which has resulted in a healthy literacy rate.
Education in the Sudan today has to witness radical changes in the entire educational system and in the establishment of new educational objectives, which are liable to be carried out to secure the nation’s aspiration for an active and effective education system. Many educational conferences are expected to take place to discus educational issues.

1. UBEC. “About UBEC. Universal Basic Education Commission”. Retrieved 30 August 2012.
2. “Nigeria Education Profile”. U.S. Diplomatic Mission to Nigeria. This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
3. “World data on Education”. UNESCO-IBE. 2011. Retrieved 24 July 2014.
4. “Vocational education in Nigeria”. UNESCO-UNEVOC. 2012. Retrieved 24 July 2014.
5. http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTRESEARCH/EXTWDRS/EXTWDR2012/0,,contentMDK:23004468~pagePK:64167689~piPK:64167673~theSitePK:7778063,00.html
6. Schultz, T.P. (2002). “Why Governments should Invest More to Educate Girls” World Development, Vol. 30 No.2 Pp 207 – 225.
7. Nussbaum, Martha (2003) “Women’s Education: A Global Challenge” Sign:: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2003, vol. 29, no. 2 Pp 325 – 355.
8. Aliu, S, (2001). “The Competitive Drive, New Technologies and Employment: The Human Capital Link”. A Paper presented at the Second Tripartite Conference of Manpower Planners. Chelsea Hotel, Abuja


East Africa or Eastern Africa is the easterly region of the African continent, variably defined by geography or geopolitics. it comprises two traditionally recognized regions: East Africa, made up of Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda; and the Horn of Africa, made up of Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, and Ethiopia.
Eastern Africa consists largely of plateaus and has most of the highest elevations in the continent. The two most striking highlands are in Ethiopia and Kenya, respectively, where large areas reach elevations of 6,500 to 10,000 feet (2,000 to 3,000 metres). Twin parallel rift valleys that are part of the East African Rift System run through the region. The Eastern, or Great, Rift Valley extends from the Red Sea’s junction with the Gulf of Aden southward across the highlands of Ethiopia and Kenya and continues on into Tanzania. The Western Rift Valley curves along the western borders of Uganda and Tanzania. Between the two rift valleys lies a plateau that comprises most of Uganda and western Tanzania and includes Lake Victoria. The volcanic massif of Kilimanjaro, the highest mountain in Africa, reaches 19,340 feet (5,895 metres) in northeastern Tanzania. The Horn of Africa, a major peninsular extension of the African mainland into the Arabian Sea, contains the vast lowland coastal plains of Somalia.
• Images
• Videos
• quizzes
• Lists
In the UN scheme of geographic regions, 20 territories constitute Eastern Africa:
• Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi – in Central East Africa, are also included in the African Great Lakes region and are members of the East African Community (EAC). Burundi and Rwanda are sometimes also considered to be part of Central Africa.
• Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia – collectively known as the Horn of Africa.
• Comoros, Mauritius and Seychelles – small island nations in the Indian Ocean.
• Réunion and Mayotte – French overseas territories also in the Indian Ocean.
• Mozambique and Madagascar – often considered part of Southern Africa, on the eastern side of the sub-continent. Madagascar has close cultural ties to Southeast Asia and the islands of the Indian Ocean.
• Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe – often also included in Southern Africa, and formerly of the Central African Federation.
• Egypt, Sudan and South Sudan (newly independent from Sudan) – collectively part of the Nile Valley. Situated in the northeastern portion of the continent, and are often included in Northern Africa. Also members of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) free trade area.
Due to colonial territories of the British East Africa Protectorate and German East Africa, the term East Africa is often (especially in the English language) used to specifically refer to the area now comprising the three countries of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. However, this has never been the convention in many other languages, where the term generally had a wider, strictly geographic context and therefore typically included Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan.

The decolonization of east Africa followed World War II as colonized peoples agitated for independence and colonial powers withdrew their administrators from Africa.
The only two world powers to officially and actively support African decolonization through the entire 20th century were the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China — all others varied their opinions from the strong and stubborn defense of colonialism to a half-hearted support to fait-accompli situations.
Ideally, political parties should be the institutional transmission belt that conveys the will of the voter to government and back. They are the vehicle through which popular sovereignty is expressed and then transformed into public policy and action. In addition, multiple parties provide a mechanism for competition, so that voters have a choice in conveying their mandate to the rulers. In and of itself, competition has an intrinsic value: it forces parties to provide a better ‘product’ to the voter. In a sense, therefore, it is difficult to conceive of a practical democracy without parties except in small communities where direct democracy may be still practicable
The East African countries have allowed considerable numbers of political parties to register. Again, Kenya leads the field with 66 registered political parties. At the opposite extreme, the seven main Sudanese political parties have been operating under such difficult conditions since 1989, when all secular political organizations were banned, that it would be difficult to describe the country as one that upholds a party system. Sudan is a one-party civil–military autocracy that justifies its rule on religious grounds. Since 2005, the ruling party has extended power sharing to some regional parties without compromising that basic position. Again, the other three countries fall in between. Next to Kenya, Tanzania has a relatively liberal party structure, with 25 registered parties. Uganda and Ethiopia have both allowed the registration of a plurality of parties but freedom for opposition parties remains severely constrained.


Uganda represents the global pattern of a dominant authoritarian party that is ill disposed to open and fair electoral competition from other parties. The Ugandan Government resisted the introduction of multiparty competition more strongly than any of the governments in the region, except Sudan’s. President Yoweri K. Museveni came to power in 1986 following a six-year guerrilla campaign against the central government. His position was that party competition was responsible for the country’s violent post-independence history. He was determined from the start that his ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM)—an offshoot of the guerrilla army that brought him to power—would be transformed into an all-inclusive national political ‘movement’, not a party. Parties in Uganda, Museveni said quite rightly, had tended to be sectarian and ethnically focused in the past.
Nevertheless, pressure for political pluralism mounted, and a referendum inviting Ugandans to decide for or against a multiparty system was organized in 2000. Scared that multiparty politics would reintroduce violence, and partly because of electoral irregularities, Ugandans voted 90 per cent in favour of the ‘movement system’. But agitation for multiparty politics did not cease. Opposition parties began to operate more or less openly. In another referendum on the subject held on 28July 2005, 92 per cent of the voters opted for a multiparty system. This followed a 2004 court order declaring restrictions on opposition political parties unconstitutional. The dominant political party is the National Resistance Movement (NRM)

In one-dominant-party systems, political parties in opposition, although given free rein by the government, tend to be small, fragmented and ultimately ineffectual in providing a credible alternative to the main party in ideological and policy terms.
This was largely the case in mainland Tanzania (Tanganyika as it was then) in the two pre-independence elections (in 1958 and 1960) and also after multiparty politics was reintroduced in 1995 following prolonged agitation for political pluralism in the early 1990s.
The autonomous island of Zanzibar, however, represents a very different situation: essentially it has a two-party system that reflects a sharp ethnic cleavage between Africans in Zanzibar (represented by the former Afro-Shirazi Party, now the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM))-Zanzibar, on the one International, and on the other Zanzibaris of Omani origin in alliance with Africans from Pemba Island (represented by the Civic United Front, CUF). Here yet again the FPTP majoritarian system has aggravated the political situation rather than help it.
Zanzibar’s party politics are as turbulent as those of the mainland are calm. The Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) was the party that won independence from the United Kingdom in 1961, under the leadership of the late President Julius K. Nyerere. It is remarkable testimony to the wide national following the party commanded even at the time that, in the election preceding independence, in 1960, it won 70 of the 71 seats being contested. The winner of the single seat won by a non-TANU candidate immediately joined TANU, leaving the country without a viable parliamentary opposition; he had stood as an independent candidate only because he was opposed to the official TANU candidate. President Nyerere won 99.2 per cent of the votes cast in the 1962 presidential election, compared to 0.8 per cent cast for the only opponent, Zuberi Mtevu of the African National Congress. By
the time Nyerere moved to declare Tanzania a one-party state in 1965, Tanzania had made it so by popular choice.

Multiparty politics was restored in Kenya in 1991 after prolonged demands for change, often violently suppressed. In August 1992, however, Kenya’s incumbent ruling party (the Kenya African National Union, KANU) amended the constitution to outlaw the formation of coalition governments, sensing that the divided opposition parties would go into the December 1992 elections separately

Party politics was unknown for most of Ethiopia’s history since it was an absolute monarchy until the 1974 revolution, when the Dirgue overthrew the government of Emperor Haille Selassie II. The Dirgue instituted single-party rule in 1984 after its first decade in power when it pursued a revolutionary socialist policy. Thus the Ethiopian Workers’ Party came into being after a decade when there were effectively no political parties of any description. It was modelled on the monolithic Soviet bloc ruling parties.
A more relaxed but never truly free party system had to await the violent overthrow of the Mengistu Haille Mariam government in 1991 by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition under the leadership of Meles Zenawi. The EPRDF had fought a protracted guerrilla war for 18 years against the Dirgue, principally in Tigrai. Like the NRM in Uganda, the EPRDF was a guerrilla army with a socialist revolutionary agenda that transformed itself into a ruling party.
Ethiopia is most accurately described as a one dominant-coalition party state. As constituted in 1991, the EPR DF is actua lly a coa lition of five parties united by their mutual antipathy to the Mengistu dictatorship. The dominant partner was and still is the Tigrai People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led by Meles Zenawi. The other four parties in the EPRDF are the Amhara National Democratic Movement, the South Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, and the Ethiopian United Peoples’ Democratic Force. Apart from the TPLF, none of these parties commands support in its ethnic homelands or in the capital. The EPRDF is therefore essentially the TPLF in power, a minority regional party.

Sudan has strong tradition of active political parties—secular, religious and sectarian in origin—that have dominated the political landscape of the country since competitive politics was introduced by the British colonial authorities after the Second World War. Sections of these parties have tended to break away and fuse into others.
The military dictatorships—of Gaffar al Nimeiry (1969–84) and now Omar Beshir (from 1989 to the present)—banned these parties.
The most influential political parties in the dominant north of the country are sectarian-based, and their origins go back to the Mahdist uprising in the 1880s.
They are (a) the Umma Party, founded in 1945 on the foundations of the AlAnsar sect, pledged to upholding the strict Islamic teachings of the Great Mahdi who led the popular religious revolt in 1883 against the Anglo-Egyptian condominium then ruling Sudan; and (b) the Democratic Unionist Party (a fusion of the People’s Democratic and National Unionist parties of the 1950), fronted by the Khatmiyya sect. The latter were traditional rivals of the Mahdists, based on the Mirghrani family, who had favoured closer integration with Nasserite Egypt. Both parties draw their core support from the north. Successive military governments in the country have tried to play them off against each other.
This, then, is the picture of the party system in Sudan at the end of 2005—a military dictatorship in pursuit of an Islamic state, flush with oil money, bringing parties into partnership with the government or discarding them as and when it suits it.

Party leadership in East Africa is strongly associated with founding personalities or those to whom leadership is bequeathed by the original leaders. In Sudan we have already seen the role played by the el Mahdi family in the Umma Party and the Mirghrani family in the Democratic Unionist Party. In Tanzania, as long as Julius Nyerere was alive (even after he gave up the presidency in 1985) he wielded overwhelming influence over the operations and philosophy of the CCM; indeed, it was at his suggestion in 1991 that the party decided to open up Tanzania to multiparty competition. The Uganda People’s Congress consulted Milton Obote,
its founder, throughout all his years of exile in Zambia. When he died, the party nominated his widow as its presidential candidate. In Kenya, the Kenyatta family supported KANU both before and after the rule of President Daniel Arap Moi. Even when parties do not have a long history, they tend to be identified with strong personalities behind them—Yoweri Museveni with the NRM; Meles Zenawi with the EPRDF; and John Garang with the SPLM. Very often, the philosophy and the day-to-day management of the party depend on the leader. In his heyday in Kenya, Daniel Arap Moi ordered party branch elections on the basis of petitions addressed
to him personally. It was his personal decision, in December 1991, to yield to his critics’ demands for multiparty politics, an announcement that took many of his most vocal supporters by surprise.
This style of leadership selection and management may have the advantage of relying on tried and tested hands and of predictability. But on the whole we were not able to find any political party in East Africa that has held regular elections for the membership to choose its leaders. Even in the CCM, the most open and participatory of all of them, the leadership is chosen by consensus resulting from broad consultation, rather than open competition and voting.
This style does have severe drawbacks. The passing of a leader or his exit from power could put the party in jeopardy, if not practically destroy it. KANU in Kenya functioned for a while after Arap Moi left the presidency in 2003. It even held bitterly contested and divisive national elections the following year. But after an internal schism that saw the exit and registration of a ‘New Kanu’ faction, and defeat in several by-elections, in 2006 KANU was considering either merger with the resurgent opposition coalition, the ODM, or allowing its members to take out personal membership in the ODM and, in effect, belong to two parties at once. This split the party even more. In Uganda, Kabaka Yekka has proved impossible to revive without the personal participation of the kabaka (king) of Buganda. The fortunes of the FDC are closely tied to those of Kizza Besigye. The SPLM has been under internal stress after the death of John Garang. All these developments betray the lack of strong institutional foundations in East Africa’s political parties that can guarantee leadership from one personality to the next, and one generation to another.

As stated above, political parties are the Cinderella of democratization studies and funding in Africa. In a modest effort to close that gap, a considerable part of this report has focused on the political parties and party systems in five East African countries—Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda. These countries have some similarities, but upon closer inspection there are also some gaping differences, especially on this subject. In this concluding section of the report, we attempt to flesh out some generalizations that apply to the region, and to account for the differences between countries, before proceeding to some suggestions as to what could be done to advance our understanding of party systems in Africa.
The capacity and effectiveness of party systems are strongly conditioned by the degree of political liberty and tolerance in a country. After 2002, Kenya seems to have made considerable progress in widening the scope of multiparty competition and individual freedom. This was the result of two decades of pro-democracy activism. Kenya’s lead is followed by Tanzania and to a lesser extent Uganda. The same cannot, however, be said of Ethiopia and Sudan. Opposition parties in Uganda and Ethiopia, in particular, operate under severe political constraints, and in Sudan
they can only resume activity at the pleasure of the government. The scope of liberal political activism (and of political parties) is narrowest in Sudan. Still, the party systems in the five countries bear some similarities.
• Fragility and structural weaknesses, particularly in parties that are not associated with the government in power. Parties in general lack strong organizational capability; recruitment of new members is intermittent; fund-raising is weak; and management is lax and often informal.
• Lack of adherence to formal rules, regulations, procedures and programmes. Practically all the parties have constitutions, but the operative procedures for internal elections, discipline and publicity are lax and often unwritten.
• Leadership centred on a dominant personality, family or clique, often commanding a substantial popular following. Major decisions are therefore made at this level.
Most parties are dominated by strong personalities (or families) for historical and social reasons. Followers identify parties with personalities and accord them support on that basis, not on account of the party’s platform or ideology.
• A strong tendency for parties to break up and fuse with others over and over again. Parties out of government are especially vulnerable to this endless fusion and fission. For this reason parties (in the formal legal sense) tend to have short lives, as they mutate into new coalitions, merge, or reinvent themselves. Almost the only thing that remains constant is the cultural and ethnic base.
• A weak and unreliable financial and human resource base. We encountered no party out of government that had a sound financial base as a result of membership support. As a result, it has proved difficult to recruit and retain qualified staff to manage the business of the party.
• The FPTP majoritarian electoral system. This seems to have a negative effect on the representation of political parties in government. FPTP systems have an inherent tendency to exclude even major parties from power, particularly in systems like those in East Africa (outside Tanzania) where membership is confined to regions or ethnic groups.
• Lack of a mass membershiprecruited from primary associations, notably ethnic groups, particular regions, traditional and religious groups, and social movements. Again, with the exception of the CCM in Tanzania, parties in East Africa tend to have a narrowly-based membership built on pre-existing social organizations.

1. United Nations Statistics Division – Standard Country and Area Codes Classifications
2. Robert Stock, Africa South of the Sahara, Second Edition: A Geographical Interpretation, (The Guilford Press: 2004), p. 26
3. IRIN Africa
4. Michael Hodd, East Africa Handbook, 7th Edition, (Passport Books: 2002), p. 21: “To the north are the countries of the Horn of Africa comprising Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia.”
5. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc, Jacob E. Safra, The New Encyclopædia Britannica, (Encyclopædia Britannica: 2002), p.61: “The northern mountainous area, known as the Horn of Africa, comprises Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia.”
6. Sandra Fullerton Joireman, Institutional Change in the Horn of Africa, (Universal-Publishers: 1997), p.1: “The Horn of Africa encompasses the countries of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia. These countries share similar peoples, languages, and geographical endowments.”
7. “Eastern Africa Power Pool”. EAPP. Retrieved 15 October 2014.
8. CIA – The World Factbook
9. “East Africa”. The New Oxford Dictionary of English, Judy Pearsall, ed. 2001. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press; p. 582. “The eastern part of the African continent, especially the countries of Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania.”
10. Robert M. Maxon, East Africa: An Introductory History, 2 Revised edition, (West Virginia University: 1994), p. 1
11. Mary Fitzpatrick and Tom Parkinson, Lonely Planet East Africa, 7th edition, (Lonely Planet Publications: 2006), p. 13
12. Stock, Africa South of the Sahara, Second Ed., p. 24
13. Somaliland is not included in the United Nations geoscheme, as it is internationally recognized as a part of Somalia.
14. “East Africa”. Merriam-Webster’s Geographical Dictionary, 3rd ed. 2001. Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster, Inc.; p. 339. “A term often used of the area now comprising the countries of Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Somalia; sometimes used to include also other neighboring countries of E Africa.”


Nigeria is a federal constitutional republic comprising 36 states and its Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Nigeria is located in West Africa and shares land borders with the Republic of Benin in the west, Chad and Cameroon in the east, and Niger in the north. Its coast in the south lies on the Gulf of Guinea in the Atlantic Ocean.
While Ghana officially called the Republic of Ghana, is a sovereign multinational state and unitary presidential constitutional democracy, located along the Gulf of Guinea and Atlantic Ocean, in the subregion of West Africa. Ghana has a land mass of 238,535 km2, with 2,093 kilometres of international land borders. Ghana is bordered by the Ivory Coast in the west, Burkina Faso in the north, Togo in the east and the Gulf of Guinea and Atlantic Ocean in the south. The word Ghana means “Warrior King”.
Ghana has a population of approximately 27 million as of 2014. Ghana’s varied geography includes savannas, woodlands, forests, a coastal line, springs, cave systems, mountains, estuaries, wildlife parks, and nature reserves. The coast of Ghana stretches 560 kilometres (350 miles) and includes a rich assortment of culturally significant castles, forts, ports and harbours. Prior to colonisation by the British empire in the early-20th century, Ghana was the site of numerous kingdoms and empires; the most powerful being the Akan Kingdom of Ashanti. In 1957, it became the first African nation to declare independence from European colonisation. This made Ghana a symbol of black achievement and helped to inspire other African independence movements. It also had a major influence on Pan-Africanism and the Black Pride movements in the United States of America.
Education in Nigeria is overseen by the Ministry of Education. And the local authorities take responsibility for implementing policy for state-controlled public education and state schools at a regional level. The education system is divided into Kindergarten, primary education, secondary education and tertiary education.
The Nigerian educational system has traditionally been called the 6-3-3-4 system. Each number represents the number of years spent at each level of education.
The first 6 years are the numbers of years spent in Primary school; the next 3 years are spent in the Junior Secondary School (JSS); the next 3 years represent the Senior Secondary School (SSS); the last 4 years are the University years.
The years spent at the university vary from four to six years, depending on the course of study. Most of the courses in the Humanities take four years, while the courses in the Medical Sciences and Technology take over four years.
Recently, an amendment was made to the 6-3-3-4 system of education.
The new educational system is the 9-3-4 system, which merges the 6 primary school years and the 3 Junior Secondary School years.
Education in Ghana was mainly informal before the arrival of European settlers, who built a formal education system addressed to the elites. With the independence of Ghana in 1957, universal education became an important political objective. The magnitude of the task as well as economic difficulties and political instabilities have slowed down attempted reforms. The Education Act in 1987, followed by the Constitution of 1992, gave a new impulse to educational policies in the country. In 2011, the primary school net enrolment rate was 84%, described by UNICEF as “far ahead” of the Sub-Saharan average. In its 2013-14 report, the World Economic Forum ranked Ghana 46th out of 148 countries for education system quality. In 2010, Ghana’s literacy rate was 71.5%, with a notable gap between men (78.3%) and women (65.3%).
Education indicators in Ghana reflect a gender gap and disparities between rural and urban areas, as well as between southern and northern parts of the country
The Ghanaian education system is divided in three parts: “Basic Education”, secondary cycle and tertiary Education. “Basic Education” lasts 11 years(Age 4-15), is free and compulsory. It is divided into Kindergarten(2 years), primary school(2 modules of 3 years) and Junior High school(3 years). The junior high school(JHS) ends on the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE). Once the BECE achieved, the pupil can pursue into secondary cycle. Secondary cycle can be either general (assumed by Senior High School) or vocational(assumed by technical Senior High School, Technical and vocational Institutes and a massive private and informal offer). Senior High school lasts three years and ends on the West African Secondary School Certificate Examination (WASSCE). Other secondary institutions leads to various certifications and diplomas. Tertiary education is basically divided into university (academic education) and Polytechnics(vocational education).
The minimum university standard for admission to post-secondary education is a ‘C-’ average on the SSSCE or WASSCE, with credits (A-D or A1-C6) in all subjects. U.S. universities should not admit Ghanaian students who have not attained at least this level. Students are expected to retake exams in subjects they have failed. Colleges should require a photocopy of the WASSCE Statement of Results bearing an original signature and stamp from the headmaster or headmistress, as well as the transcript.

1. Most Ghanaians have relatively easy access to good education due to the modest policies applied in the educational system.
2. In the past decade, Ghana’s spending on education has been between 28 per cent and 40 per cent of its annual budget, which is good and health for the educational system in the country.
3. School enrolment is 98% totalling over 2 million not matching available infrastructures.
4. The sole official language of instruction throughout the Ghanaian educational system is English. Students may study in any of eleven local languages for much of the first three years, after which English becomes the medium.
1. The educational system in Nigeria has been able to produce great intellectual minds like Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, Ola Rotimi, etc and still producing many more like me.
2. The system has attended the much need manpower in the labour sector of the economy.
3. The Nigeria education system is short of funds to prosecute it numerous programmes
4. The system lack qualified manpower
5. The ratio of school dropout is high due to raging poverty in the country
6. The ratio of girl child attendance in the north is low, while that of the male child attendance in the south east is also low.
1. In both countries, educational infrastructure should be upgrade and provided where it’s not available.
2. Government of both countries should allow private participation in the sector so as to give room for improvement.
3. Funds should be mapped out for education programmes and its implementation should be followed with outmost political will.
4. Adequate measures should be put in place to discourage school drop outs
5. Free education should be provided at least in the primary or even in the secondary sections so as to encourage child enrolments.

Education in Ghana is divided into three phases: basic education (kindergarten, primary school, lower secondary school), secondary education (upper secondary school, technical and vocational education) and tertiary education (universities, polytechnics and colleges). Education is compulsory between the ages of four and 15 (basic education). The language of instruction is mainly English. The academic year usually runs from August to May inclusive
While, Nigeria has made considerable progress in the domain of education. The education system in the country is supervised by the state. There are 27 federal and state-owned polytechnics in Nigeria. The first 6 years of primary education are mandatory in Nigeria. Nigeria is making a steady progress in the development of education. Many universities and schools have been established by the state. However, much still needs to be done.

1. “Emefa.myserver.org”. Retrieved 21 December 2010.
2. “Welcome”. Government of Ghana. 2013. Retrieved 5 June 2013. The Ghanaian Government states that English is the official language. It is being widely used in business, law, and government documents, as well being taught throughout schools as a medium of instruction. For the official percentage of English language speakers in Ghana see List of countries by English-speaking population
3. “Ghana – 2010 Population and Housing Census”. Government of Ghana. 2010. Retrieved 1 June 2013.
4. “People > Ethnic groups: Countries Compared”. NationMaster. Retrieved 22 July 2014.
5. “Population projection by sex, 2010 to 2014, National”. Ghana Statistical Service. Archived from the original on 3 August 2014. Retrieved 3 August 2014.
6. Antoinette I. Mintah (2010). “2010 Provisional Census Results Out”. 4 February 2011. Population Division, Ghana Government. Archived from the original on 15 June 2011. Retrieved 7 February 2011.
7. Data. “GDP, PPP (current international $)”. World Bank. Retrieved 15 July 2014.
8. Data. “GNI per capita, PPP (current international $)”. World Bank. Retrieved 15 July 2014.
9. “Ghana”. International Monetary Fund. Retrieved 22 January 2014.
10. “Trade and Social Development: The case of Asia”. Asia-Pacific Research and Training Network on Trade. Retrieved 15 July 2014.
11. “2014 Human Development Report Summary”. United Nations Development Programme. 2014. pp. 21–25. Retrieved 27 July 2014.