THE UNBORN CHILD;


The nine-month wait is finally over, and the baby is so longed for is about to be born.(Gestation usually lasts between 37 and 42 weeks). The expectant mother’s cervix has remained firmly shut, keeping the fetus safely in the womb. But now her cervix thins, softens, and relaxes. The miracle of child birth begins.
Several factors are involved in the process of child birth, but two are especially amazing. First, oxytocin, a hormone produced in the brain, is released. Both men and women produce this substance, but a great quantity of it is released in the pregnant mother when labour begins, causing the cervix to dilate and the uterus to contract. Just how the pituitary gland of the expectant mother knows when to begin releasing this hormone is a mystery.
A second factor involved in this process is the role of the placenta, which stops producing progesterone. During pregnancy, progesterone has prevented strong contractions. But now, without the restriction of progesterone, the uterus begins to contract. Generally after between 8 and 13 hours of labour, the baby is pushed out through the relaxed, dilated cervix. Afterward, the placenta is also expelled.
Now the newborn must quickly adapt to new conditions of life, very different from those of its maternal environment. For example, while in the uterus, the lungs of the fetus were full of amniotic fluid, which was squeezed out when the infant passed through the birth canal. Now the lungs must be filled with air to initiate breathing, the onset of which is usually indicated by the first cry. Drastic changes also occur in the heart and the rest of the circulatory system. A hole connecting the two atria of the heart and blood vessel bypassing the pulmonary circulation close, in order to reroute the blood through the lungs, thus enabling the blood to absorb oxygen. It is astonishing that this adaptation to the outside world happens so rapidly.
The entire process of labour and birth reminds us of the words of the bible: “for everything there is an appointed time, even a time for every affair under the heavens.” That includes “a time for birth.” (Ecclesiastes 3;1, 2). You will surely agree with me that the series of biochemical and physical events, which all occur within just a few hours, eloquently points to the design on the part of our creator. You can read some of my other articles on pregnancy by searching my blogg at hyattractions.wordpress.com and as well click here ………………….to read more.

THE COMMUNICATION PATTERN OF IHITTE, A TOWN IN EZINIHITTE


This report is coined from a community in Imo state in “ihitte’, Ezinihitte local government area. Mbaise is a conglomeration of five autonomous but culturally homogenous mega clans (Ahiara, Agbaja, Ekwerazu, Ezinihitte and Oke uvuru) was amalgamated as a political entity in 1941. In their individual identity, they could stand distinct in cultural practices, norms, values and even belief system. But as time progressed, coupled with enlightenment, western civilization, socialization and acculturation, unity in diversity was discovered by the ihitte people and they held on to it.
Ihitte discovered that survival and greatness laid in the conceptual and practical reality of brotherhood, togetherness and cooperation. Hence, the socio-cultural principles of “Igwe bu Ike”, “Onye aghala nwanneya”, “Eji isi na oleo mara mma puta ama” and many others guided the mental readiness for cooperation and unity of purpose in ihitte.
Ihitte has a periodic market system namely;

Nkwo-ukwu Nkwonta
Eke-ukwu Ekenta
Orie-ukwu Orienta
Afor-ukwu Afornta

In the past, several societies were established to give tittles to those who merit it. E.g. societies like “Ezeji”, Dinta etc. but I will concentrate on the “Ezeji”. It is society of successful yam farmers who took the title “Ezeji”. To qualify for the position, the ezeji must own a barn with many racks of yam tied in the conventional manner. The yam must be of various types and of superior quality.
An ezeji had to marry many wives in order to have sufficient labour force to cultivate the yams. In the past, a man can be dedicated to the yam god and therefore he answers “Njoku”. However, if a female was dedicated to the yam god, she answers “Mmaji”.
In the past, recreation activities of the ihitte people consist of;

“Nsa”
“Itu okwe”
“Itu uga”
“Onye lekwala anya na azu”
“Kwenu oga nag a, oganaga”
Wrestling.

Folklore and story telling is usually done with help of adults in which community heroes are praised and mysticism is established. In the past, people in ihitte had a way of giving names to their beloved wives, such as;

Ahudiya – The body of her husband
Enyidiye – The friend of her husband
Oyiridiye – The similarities of her husband
Obidiye – The heart of her husband
Omasiridiye – The delight of her husband

RELIGION; The religion of the Ihitte people is Christianity.
POPULATION; Ihitte has a population of 339,000 people according to the 2006 national population census.
LOCATION; with a land area measuring 211sq kilometers, Ihitte is located in the north eastern part of the Imo river, 53kilometres to the Imo state capital, owerri.
CULTURAL AFFINITY; Ihitte people have a culture of hospitality. They relate or interact with outsider in a very respectful and happy manner.
A visitor in ihitte community is entitled to kola nut, bitter kola, afufa (garden egg), palm wine, roasted meat or anything the host can afford.
OCCUPATION; their major occupation is farming, especially in the production of tuber crops and oil production.
WESTERN INFLUENCE; the influence of the western media in ihitte is in two phase because it influence us negatively and positively. The negative aspects of it are;
• It has influence our values and culture
• It has influence our dress code
• It has brought about immorality especially through some bad pictures shown on the television.

The positive aspects of it are;
• It has improve our old ways of doing things.
• It brought about improve in our educational system.
• It brought good health system.
• It improves our security and judicial systems.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF AFRICAN STATES ; POL 452.1


COURSE OUTLINE
– THE NATURE OF POSSESSIVE IMPERIALISM AND THE ORIGIN OF AFRICAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS;
– THE NATURE OF AFRICAN COLONIAL STATES;
– THE EFFECTS OF COLONIALISM ON AFRICAN STATES;
(PART 2)
-THE STRUGGLE FOR SELF DETERMINATION
– PAN AFRICANISM AS AN IDEOLOGY;
– GARVEYISM AND AFRICAN UNITY
– DUBOISM AND AFRICAN UNITY
– NKRUMAHISM AND AFRICAN UNITY
-NEOCOLONIALISM AND AFRICAN UNITY;
– THE OAU AND FAILURE OF PAN AFRICANISM
– THE EFFECTS OF THE FAILURE OF PAN AFRICANISM
(PART 3): AFRICA AND THE UNITED NATIONS
– THE CONCEPT OF THIRD WORLDISM AND NON-ALIGNMENT
– AFRICAN RELATION WITH ASIA
– AFRICAN RELATION WITH LATIN AMERICA
– AFRICAN RELATION WITH AMAERICA AND EUROPE
-(PART 4): AFRICAN INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS
-FROM OAU TO AU, THE FAILURE OF OAU AND AU PROSPECTS
-NEPAD, AFRICAN ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS

-(PART 5): GLOBALISATION AND AFRICA
– THE THEORIES OF GLOBALISATION (DEMOCRATIZATION & LIBERALISATION)
– AFRICAN DEBT CRISIS AND ECONOMIC GLOBALISATION
-AFRICAN CONFLICT AND POLITICAL GLOBALISATION
– THE CONTRADICTIONS; NEO-COLONALISM AND GLOBALISATION
SUMMARY:
THE PRESENT AND FUTURE PROSPECTS OF AFRICAN STATES UNDER GLOBALISATION.

– THE NATURE OF POSSESSIVE IMPERIALISM AND THE ORIGIN OF AFRICAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS;
– THE NATURE OF AFRICAN COLONIAL STATES;
– THE EFFECTS OF COLONIALISM ON AFRICAN STATES;
(PART 2)
-THE STRUGGLE FOR SELF DETERMINATION
– PAN AFRICANISM AS AN IDEOLOGY;
Pan-Africanism is a movement that seeks to unify African people or people living in Africa, into a “one African community”.Differing types of Pan-Africanism seek different levels of economic, racial, social, or political unity.

PAN AFRICAN FLAG

Origins
In the United States, the term is closely associated with Afrocentrism, an ideology of African American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s. “Pan-African” unity is especially important in African American identity politics, because the African ancestry of Afro-American community cannot be derived from any identifiable African people. Therefore it has become necessary to minimize the differences between the various peoples of Africa in favour of a generalized “African” heritage. As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilization and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[5]
Pan-Africanism can be seen as a product of the European slave trade. Enslaved Africans of diverse origins and their descendants found themselves embedded in a system of exploitation where their African origin became a sign of their servile status. Pan-Africanism set aside cultural differences, asserting the principality of these shared experiences to foster solidarity and resistance to exploitation.
Alongside a large number of slave insurrections, by the end of the eighteenth century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa which sought to weld these disparate movements into a network of solidarity putting an end to this oppression. In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and sentiments on the evil of slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV.
Modern Pan-Africanism began around the beginning of the twentieth century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was organized by Henry Sylvester-Williams around 1887, and their first conference was held in 1900.
Concept
As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (note: some history books credit this idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden) pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.The concept soon expanded, however, to include the African diaspora.
During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of South Africans under European apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organizations include Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People’s Democratic Uhuru Movement.
The goals of Pan-Africanism are diverse. Some may view pan-Africanism as an endeavour to provide revisionist histories of Africa that include and focus on the perspectives of Africans, rather than only Europeans or colonialists. Others may view Pan-Africanism as an endeavour to return to “traditional” African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include Léopold Sédar Senghor’s Négritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko’s view of Authenticité.
An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism.
In the 21st century, this theme has developed in response to globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference “Pan-Africanism for a New Generation” held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) argues that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends.
An important aspect is the argument that Egypt is an African country, and shares important historical and cultural continuities with other countries in the Nile valley. This is sometimes characterised by the term Nile Valley Civilizations or African civilizations that group Egypt with other civilisations of other parts of the continent.
Some universities have gone as far as creating “Departments of Pan-African Studies” in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to “teaching students about the African World Experience”, to “demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures” and to “presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis” of anti-black racism.[1] Syracuse University also offers a masters degree in “Pan African Studies”.

Key figures in Pan-Africanism

• Kwame Nkrumah was a Pan-African activist who became the first president of Ghana. Brain behind the Organisation of African Unity.
• Edward Wilmot Blyden- Pan-Africanist writer from Liberia
• W. E. B. Du Bois African-American Pan-Africanist writer. Du Bois hosted the highly influential 5th Pan-African Conference in Manchester, UK.
• Marcus Garvey, was a Jamaican born Pan-Africanist, stern advocate for the Back-to-Africa movement, and has also been labeled as a Father of Pan-Africanism. Garvey led the largest organization with Pan-African goals in history.
• Paul Robeson, the singer, actor and political radical, co-founded the Council on African Affairs(1937–1950) which became a leading voice of anti-colonialism and Pan-Africanism in the U.S. and internationally Robeson said as early as the 1930s that he wanted “to be African”, studied African language and culture and urged Americans to fight African imperialism. Robeson was close friends with Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah and W. E. B. Du Bois. Despite stereotypes endemic to the times, Robeson’s films such as Song of Freedom and Jericho/Dark Sands were the first to show African’s in a positive light. Robeson also wrote and spoke out against Apartheid, the need for African Independence and narrated an early film about the regime, My Song Goes Forth (also known as Africa Sings, Africa Looks Up, U.K., 1937).
• Jomo Kenyatta was a Pan-African activist who became the first president of Kenya.
• Bob Marley was a Jamaican born musician whose music reflected Pan Africanist thought, music and philosophy.
• Julius Kambarage Nyerere: Key figure for Pan Africanism and SADC.
• Ahmed Sékou Touré was a Pan-African activist, who became the first President of Guinea, West Africa, the first French sub-Saharan African colony to gain independence from France on October 2, 1958 following its rejection of the famous 1958 Referendum that was proposed by President Charles De Gaulle of France. President Toure, along with President William Tubman of neighboring Liberia and President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, was the vanguard behind the creation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which has been transformed into the African Union (AU), at a Special Head of States Meeting held in the northern Liberian city of Sanniquelle, Nimba County, which is often referred to as the “birth place” of the OAU (now the AU).
• Fela Anikulapo Kuti: The founder of Afrobeat music, and political/human rights activist. Promoted pan-africanism through his music.
• Gamal Abd El Nasser was a Pan-African activist and the president of Egypt. Alongside Nkrumah, he endorsed the African countries who were fighting for independence and placed Egyptian culture and civilisation within an African framework.
• Haile Selassie, emperor of Ethiopia, was a key figure in Pan-Africanism due to his call for greater unity among African Nations.
• Molefi Kete Asante strongly influenced by Kaiwada philosophy wrote his treatise on Afrocentricity. This greatly influenced Pan-Africanists in the late seventies and eighties. Another contemporary Afrocentric movement leader was Prof. Chinweizu Ibekwe (known simply as Chinweizu), a scholarly Nigerian anthropologist and a beacon of Africanism.
• Muammar al-Gaddafi, known as Colonel Gaddafi, was an active organizer of African unity and the proposed formation, based on Gamal Abd El Nasser and Kwame Nkrumah’s dream, of a United States of Africa.
• Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of Zimbabwe who has ruled for more than 28 years.
• Malcolm X planned to link the Organization of Afro-American Unity through Pan-Africanism to internationalize the human struggle of African people.
• Robert Sobukwe was a South African political dissident, who founded the Pan Africanist Congress in opposition to the apartheid.
• Alhaji Alieu Ebrima Cham Joof was a Gambian historian, author, politician, Pan-Africanist and a nationalist during the colonial era. He attended the first and second Pan-African Youth Movement Conference held in Tunisia and Tanzania respectively.[11] In the first ever Organization of African Unity Conference, he delivered a speech to the Members, in which he told them to endeavour their utmost to erradicate colonialism and neo-colonialism, and not to listen to anybody else outside the African continent. He was also imprisoned by the British Administration for his political activities in 1959.

– GARVEYISM AND AFRICAN UNITY
– DUBOISM AND AFRICAN UNITY
– NKRUMAHISM AND AFRICAN UNITY
-NEOCOLONIALISM AND AFRICAN UNITY;
Neocolonialism is the practice of using capitalism, globalization, and cultural forces to control a country (usually former European colonies in Africa or Asia) in lieu of direct military or political control. Such control can be economic, cultural, or linguistic; by promoting one’s own culture, language or media in the colony, corporations embedded in that culture can then make greater headway in opening the markets in those countries. Thus, neocolonialism would be the result of business interests leading to deleterious cultural effects.
The term “neocolonialism” was first coined by Kwame Nkrumah, the first post-independence president of Ghana, and has been discussed by a number of twentieth century scholars and philosophers, including Jean-Paul Sartre and Noam Chomsky.
“Neocolonialism” is a term used by post-colonial critics of developed countries’ involvement in the developing world. Writings within the theoretical framework of neocolonialism argue that existing or past international economic arrangements created by former colonial powers were or are used to maintain control of their former colonies and dependencies after the colonial independence movements of the post–World War II period. The term neocolonialism can combine a critique of current actual colonialism (where some states continue administrating foreign territories and their populations in violation of United Nations resolutions[3]) and a critique of the involvement of modern capitalist businesses in nations which were former colonies. Critics adherent to neocolonialism contend that multinational corporations continue to exploit the resources of post-colonial states, and that this economic control inherent to neocolonialism is akin to the classical, European colonialism practiced from the 16th to the 20th centuries. In broader usage, neocolonialism may simply refer to the involvement of powerful countries in the affairs of less powerful countries; this is especially relevant in modern Latin America. In this sense, neocolonialism implies a form of contemporary “economic imperialism”: that powerful nations behave like colonial powers of imperialism, and that this behavior is likened to colonialism in a post-colonial world.
Origins of the term: charges against former colonial powers
“As long as imperialism exists it will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries. Today that domination is called neocolonialism.”
— Che Guevara, Marxist revolutionary, 1965

Kwame Nkrumah, first president of Ghana, and one of the coiners of the term “neocolonialism”, pictured on a Soviet stamp (1989).
The term neocolonialism first saw widespread use, particularly in reference to Africa, soon after the process of decolonization which followed a struggle by many national independence movements in the colonies following World War II. Upon gaining independence, some national leaders and opposition groups argued that their countries were being subjected to a new form of colonialism, waged by the former colonial powers and other developed nations. Kwame Nkrumah, who in 1957 became leader of newly independent Ghana, was one of the most notable figures to use the term. A classical definition of neocolonialism is given in his Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism (1965). The work is self-defined as an extension of Vladimir Lenin’s Imperialism, the Last Stage of Capitalism (1916), in which Lenin argues that 19th century imperialism is predicated upon the needs of the capitalist system. Nkrumah argues that “In place of colonialism as the main instrument of imperialism we have today neo-colonialism. […] Neo-colonialism, like colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries.” He continues:
The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment under neo-colonialism increases rather than decreases the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world. The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.
Pan-African and Non-Aligned movements
Initially the term was popularised largely through the activities of scholars and leaders from the newly independent states of Africa and the Pan-Africanist movement. Many of these leaders came together with those of other post colonial states at the Bandung Conference of 1955, leading to the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement. The All-African Peoples’ Conference (AAPC) meetings of the late 1950s and early 1960s spread this critique of makku- neocolonialism. Their Tunis conference of 1960 and Cairo conference of 1961 specified their opposition to what they labeled neocolonialism, singling out the French Community of independent states organised by the former colonial power. In its four page Resolution on Neocolonialism is cited as a landmark for having presented a collectively arrived at definition of neocolonialism and a description of its main features. Throughout the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement, and organisations like the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America defined neocolonialism as a primary collective enemy of these independent states.
Denunciations of neocolonialism also became popular with some national independence movements while they were still waging anti-colonial armed struggle. During the 1970s, in the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola for example, the Marxist movements FRELIMO and MPLA, which were to eventually assume power upon those nations’ independence, denounced neocolonialism as well as colonialism.
Paternalistic neocolonialism
The term “paternalistic neocolonialism” involves the belief held by a neo-colonial power that their colonial subjects benefit from their occupation. Critics of neocolonialism, arguing that this is both exploitive and racist, contend this is merely a justification for continued political hegemony and economic exploitation of past colonies, and that such justifications are the modern reformulation of the civilizing mission concepts of the 19th century.

– THE OAU AND FAILURE OF PAN AFRICANISM
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) (French: Organisation de l’Unité Africaine (OUA)) was established on May 25, 1963 in Addis Ababa, under the signatory of 32 governments. It was disbanded on July 9, 2002 by its last chairperson, South African President Thabo Mbeki, and replaced by the African Union (AU).
Aims
The OAU had the following primary aims:
• To promote the unity and solidarity of the African states and act as a collective voice for the African continent. This was important to secure Africa’s long-term economic and political future.
• To co-ordinate and intensify the co-operation of African states in order to achieve a better life for the people of Africa.
• To defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of African states.
• The OAU was also dedicated to the eradication of all forms of colonialism, as, when it was established, there were several states that had not yet won their independence or were minority-ruled. South Africa and Angola were two such countries. The OAU proposed two ways of ridding the continent of colonialism. Firstly, it would defend the interests of independent countries and help to pursue those of still-colonised ones. Secondly, it would remain neutral in terms of world affairs, preventing its members from being controlled once more by outside powers.
A Liberation Committee was established to aid independence movements and look after the interests of already-liberated states. The OAU also aimed to stay neutral in terms of global politics, which would prevent them from being controlled once more by outside forces – an especial danger with the Cold War.
The OAU had other aims, too:
• Ensure that all Africans enjoyed human rights.
• Raise the living standards of all Africans.
• Settle arguments and disputes between members – not through fighting but rather peaceful and diplomatic negotiation.
Soon after achieving independence, a number of African states expressed a growing desire for more unity within the continent. Not everyone was agreed on how this unity could be achieved, however, and two opinionated groups emerged in this respect:
• The Casablanca bloc, led by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, wanted a federation of all African countries. Aside from Ghana, it comprised also Algeria, Guinea, Morocco, Egypt, Mali and Libya. Founded in 1961, its members were described as “progressive states”.
• The Monrovian bloc, led by Senghor of Senegal, felt that unity should be achieved gradually, through economic cooperation. It did not support the notion of a political federation. Its other members were Nigeria, Liberia, Ethiopia and most of the former French colonies.
Some of the initial discussions took place at Sanniquellie, Liberia. The dispute was eventually resolved when Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie I invited the two groups to Addis Ababa, where the OAU and its headquarters were subsequently established. The Charter of the Organisation was signed by 32 independent African states.
At the time of the OAU’s disbanding, 53 out of the 54 African states were members; Morocco left on 12 November 1984 following the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic as the government of Western Sahara in 1982.
The organisation was widely derided as a bureaucratic “talking shop” with little power. It struggled to enforce its decisions, and its lack of armed force made intervention exceedingly difficult. Civil wars in Nigeria and Angola continued unabated for years, and the OAU could do nothing to stop them.
The policy of non-interference in the affairs of member states also limited the effectiveness of the OAU. Thus, when human rights were violated, as in Uganda under Idi Amin in the 1970s, the OAU was powerless to stop them.
The Organisation was praised by Ghanaian former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan for bringing Africans together. Nevertheless, in its 39 years of existence, critics argue that the OAU did little to protect the rights and liberties of African citizens from their own political leaders, often dubbing it as a “Dictators’ Club”or “Dictator’s Trade Union”.
The OAU was, however, successful in some respects. Many of its members were members of the UN, too, and they stood together within the latter organisation to safeguard African interests – especially in respect of lingering colonialism. Its pursuit of African unity, therefore, was in some ways successful.
Total unity was difficult to achieve, however, as the OAU was largely divided. The former French colonies, still dependent on France, had formed the Monrovia Group, and there was a further split between those that supported the USA and those that supported the USSR in the Cold War of ideologies. The pro-Socialist faction was led by Kwame Nkrumah, while Félix Houphouët-Boigny of the Ivory Coast led the pro-capitalists. Because of these divisions, it was difficult for the OAU to take action against states involved in internal conflicts because it could rarely reach an agreement on what was to be done.
The OAU did, however, play a pivotal role in eradicating colonialism and minority rule in Africa. It gave weapons, training and military bases to colonised nations fighting for independence or majority rule. Groups such as the ANC and PAC, fighting apartheid, and ZANU and ZAPU, fighting for the independence of Southern Rhodesia, were aided in their endeavours by the OAU. African harbours were closed to the South African government, and South African aircraft were prohibited from flying over the rest of the continent. The UN was convinced by the OAU to expel South Africa from bodies such as the World Health Organisation.
The OAU also worked with the UN to ease refugee problems. It set up the African Development Bank for economic projects intended to make Africa financially stronger. Although all African countries eventually won their independence, it remained difficult for them to become totally independent of their former colonizers. There was often continued reliance on the former colonial powers for economic aid, which often came with strings attached: loans had to be paid back at high interest-rates, and goods had to be sold to the aiders at low rates.
The USA and USSR intervened in post-colonial Africa in pursuit of their own objectives. Help was sometimes provided in the form of technology and aid-workers. While useful, such external assistance was often perceived as not necessarily in the best interests of the former colonies.
Autonomous specialized agencies, working under the auspices of the OAU, were:
• Pan-African Telecommunications Union (PATU)
• Pan-African Postal Union (PAPU)
• Pan-African News Agency (PANA)
• Union of African National Television and Radio Organizations (URTNA)
• Union of African Railways (UAR)
• Organisation of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU)
• Supreme Council for Sports in Africa
• African Civil Aviation Commission
– THE EFFECTS OF THE FAILURE OF PAN AFRICANISM

(PART 3): AFRICA AND THE UNITED NATIONS
The United Nations (UN) is an international organization whose stated aims are facilitating cooperation in international law, international security, economic development, social progress, human rights, and achievement of world peace. The UN was founded in 1945 after World War II to replace the League of Nations, to stop wars between countries, and to provide a platform for dialogue. It contains multiple subsidiary organizations to carry out its missions.
There are 193 member states, including every internationally recognised sovereign state in the world but Vatican City. From its offices around the world, the UN and its specialized agencies decide on substantive and administrative issues in regular meetings held throughout the year. The organization has six principal organs: the General Assembly (the main deliberative assembly); the Security Council (for deciding certain resolutions for peace and security); the Economic and Social Council (for assisting in promoting international economic and social cooperation and development); the Secretariat (for providing studies, information, and facilities needed by the UN); the International Court of Justice (the primary judicial organ); and the United Nations Trusteeship Council (which is currently inactive). Other prominent UN System agencies include the World Health Organization (WHO), the World Food Programme (WFP) and United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The UN’s most prominent position is Secretary-General which has been held by Ban Ki-moon of South Korea since 2007.
The United Nations Headquarters resides in international territory in New York City, with further main offices at Geneva, Nairobi, and Vienna. The organization is financed from assessed and voluntary contributions from its member states, and has six official languages: Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian, and Spanish.
History
The League of Nations failed to prevent World War II (1939–1945). Because of the widespread recognition that humankind could not afford a third world war, the United Nations was established to replace the flawed League of Nations in 1945 in order to maintain international peace and promote cooperation in solving international economic, social and humanitarian problems. The earliest concrete plan for a new world organization was begun under the aegis of the U.S. State Department in 1939. Franklin D. Roosevelt first coined the term ‘United Nations’ as a term to describe the Allied countries. The term was first officially used on 1 January 1942, when 26 governments signed the Atlantic Charter, pledging to continue the war effort. On 25 April 1945, the UN Conference on International Organization began in San Francisco, attended by 50 governments and a number of non-governmental organizations involved in drafting the United Nations Charter. The UN officially came into existence on 24 October 1945 upon ratification of the Charter by the five then-permanent members of the Security Council—France, the Republic of China, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States—and by a majority of the other 46 signatories. The first meetings of the General Assembly, with 51 nations represented, and the Security Council, took place in Westminster Central Hall in London in January 1946.
The organization was based at the Sperry Gyroscope Corporation’s facility in Lake Success, New York, from 1946–1952, before moving to the United Nations Headquarters building in Manhattan upon its completion.
Since its creation, there has been controversy and criticism of the United Nations. In the United States, an early opponent of the UN was the John Birch Society, which began a “get US out of the UN” campaign in 1959, charging that the UN’s aim was to establish a “One World Government.” After the Second World War, the French Committee of National Liberation was late to be recognized by the US as the government of France, and so the country was initially excluded from the conferences that aimed at creating the new organization. Charles de Gaulle criticized the UN, famously calling it le machin (“the thing”), and was not convinced that a global security alliance would help maintain world peace, preferring direct defense treaties between countries.

– THE CONCEPT OF THIRD WORLDISM AND NON-ALIGNMENT
Third-worldism is a tendency within left-wing political thought to regard the division between developed countries, and developing countries or “Third World” nations against the background of primary political importance. Third-worldism tends to offer support to Third World nations and national liberation movements against Western nations or their proxies. Key figures in the Third Worldist movement include Michel Aflaq, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, Frantz Fanon, Ahmed Ben Bella, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Jawaharlal Nehru, Ali Shariati, Andre Gunder Frank, Samir Amin and Simon Malley.
The Bandung Conference, which was held in 1955 in Indonesia, and the resultant formation of the Non-Aligned Movement represented a significant venue for Third World politics during the twentieth century. Third worldism is also closely connected with movements such as Ba’athism, Pan-Africanism, Pan-Arabism, Maoism, African socialism, Arab socialism and Communism.
The New Left led to an explosion of support for Third-worldism, especially after the failure of revolutionary movements in the First World, such as Paris 1968. Among the New Left groups and movements associated with Third Worldism were Monthly Review and the New Communist Movement.
From the 1970s, National liberation movements such as the Palestine Liberation Organization, and African National Congress have been causes célèbres of the movement. More recently, Third-worldism has become a powerful force in the World Social Forum, (particularly since the Mumbai WSF in 2004) and in the Cairo Anti-War Conference.
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) is a group of states considering themselves not aligned formally with or against any major power bloc. As of 2011, the movement had 120 members and 17 observer countries.
The organization was founded in Belgrade in 1961, and was largely the brainchild of Yugoslavia’s President, Josip Broz Tito, India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, Egypt’s second President, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Ghana’s first president Kwame Nkrumah, and Indonesia’s first President, Sukarno. All five leaders were prominent advocates of a middle course for states in the Developing World between the Western and Eastern blocs in the Cold War. The phrase itself was first used to represent the doctrine by Indian diplomat and statesman V.K. Krishna Menon in 1953, at the United Nations.
The purpose of the organization as stated in the speech given by Fidel Castro during the Havana Declaration of 1979 is to ensure “the national independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of non-aligned countries” in their “struggle against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, and all forms of foreign aggression, occupation, domination, interference or hegemony as well as against great power and bloc politics.”The countries of the Non-Aligned Movement represent nearly two-thirds of the United Nations’s members and contain 55% of the world population. Membership is particularly concentrated in countries considered to be developing or part of the Third World.
Members have, at various times, included: SFR Yugoslavia, Argentina, SWAPO, Cyprus, and Malta. Brazil has never been a formal member of the movement, but shares many of the aims of Non-Aligned Movement and frequently sends observers to the Non-Aligned Movement’s summits. While many of the Non-Aligned Movement’s members were actually quite closely aligned with one or another of the super powers, the movement still maintained surprising amounts of cohesion throughout the Cold War. Additionally, some members were involved in serious conflicts with other members (e.g., India and Pakistan, Iran and Iraq). The movement fractured from its own internal contradictions when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979. While the Soviet allies supported the invasion, other members of the movement (particularly predominantly Muslim states) condemned it.
Because the Non-Aligned Movement was formed as an attempt to thwart the Cold War, it has struggled to find relevance since the Cold War ended. After the breakup of Yugoslavia, a founding member, its membership was suspended in 1992 at the regular Ministerial Meeting of the Movement, held in New York during the regular yearly session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. The successor states of the SFR Yugoslavia have expressed little interest in membership, though some have observer status. In 2004, Malta and Cyprus ceased to be members and joined the European Union. Belarus remains the sole member of the Movement in Europe. Turkmenistan, Belarus and the Dominican Republic are the most recent entrants. The applications of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Costa Rica were rejected in 1995 and 1998.

– AFRICAN RELATION WITH ASIA
The first large-scale Asian–African or Afro–Asian Conference—also known as the Bandung Conference—was a meeting of Asian and African states, most of which were newly independent, which took place on April 18–24, 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia. The twenty nine countries, which participated at the Bandung Conference, represented nearly one fourth of the Earth’s land surface and a total population of 1.5 billion people. The conference was organized by Indonesia, Burma, Pakistan, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and India and was coordinated by Ruslan Abdulgani, secretary general of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The conference’s stated aims were to promote Afro-Asian economic and cultural cooperation and to oppose colonialism or neocolonialism by either the United States or the Soviet Union in the Cold War, or any other imperialistic nations. The conference was an important step toward the crystallization of the Non-Aligned Movement.
Background
The conference of Bandung was preceded by the Bogor Conference (1954) and was followed by the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Conference in Cairo in September (1957) and the Belgrade Conference (1961), which led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement. In later years, conflicts between the nonaligned nations eroded the solidarity expressed at Bandung.
The conference reflected what the organisers regarded as a reluctance by the Western powers to consult with them on decisions affecting Asia in a setting of Cold War tensions; their concern over tension between the People’s Republic of China and the United States; their desire to lay firmer foundations for China’s peace relations with themselves and the West; their opposition to colonialism, especially French influence in North Africa and its colonial rule in Algeria; and Indonesia’s desire to promote its case in the dispute with the Netherlands over western New Guinea (Irian Barat).
Sukarno, the first president of the Republic of Indonesia, portrayed himself as the leader of this group of states, naming it NEFOS (Newly Emerging Forces).
Discussion
Major debate centered around the question of whether Soviet policies in Eastern Europe and Central Asia should be censured along with Western colonialism. A consensus was reached in which “colonialism in all of its manifestations” was condemned, implicitly censuring the Soviet Union, as well as the West. China played an important role in the conference and strengthened its relations with other Asian nations. Having survived an assassination attempt on the way to the conference, the Chinese premier, Zhou Enlai, displayed a moderate and conciliatory attitude that tended to quiet fears of some anticommunist delegates concerning China’s intentions.
Later in the conference, Zhou Enlai signed on to the article in the concluding declaration stating that overseas Chinese owed primary loyalty to their home nation, rather than to China – a highly sensitive issue for both his Indonesian hosts and for several other participating countries. Zhou also signed an agreement on dual nationality with Indonesian foreign minister Sunario.
Outcome
A 10-point “declaration on promotion of world peace and cooperation,” incorporating the principles of the United Nations Charter was adopted unanimously:
1. Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations
2. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations
3. Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations large and small
4. Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country
5. Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself, singly or collectively, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
6. (a) Abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve any particular interests of the big powers
(b) Abstention by any country from exerting pressures on other countries
7. Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country
8. Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties own choice, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
9. Promotion of mutual interests and cooperation
10. Respect for justice and international obligations.
The final Communique of the Conference underscored the need for developing countries to loosen their economic dependence on the leading industrialized nations by providing technical assistance to one another through the exchange of experts and technical assistance for developmental projects, as well as the exchange of technological know-how and the establishment of regional training and research institutes.
Controversy
The United States of America, through its Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, shunned the conference and was not officially represented. However, Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. (D-N.Y.) attended the conference and spoke at some length in favor of American foreign policy there which assisted the United States’s standing with the Non-Aligned. When Powell returned to the United States to report on the conference, the House of Representatives honored him for his contributions.
Legacy
To mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Conference, Heads of State and Government of Asian-African countries attended a new Asian-African Summit from 20–24 April 2005 in Bandung and Jakarta. Some sessions of the new conference took place in Gedung Merdeka (Independence Building), the venue of the original conference. The conference concluded by establishing the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP).
The 2005 Asian African Summit yielded, inter-alia, the Declaration on the New Asian African Strategic Partnership (NAASP), the Joint Ministerial Statement on the New Asian African Strategic Partnership Plan of Action, and the Joint Asian African Leaders’ Statement on Tsunami, Earthquake and other Natural Disaster. The aforementioned declaration of NAASP is a manifestation of intra-regional bridge-building forming a new strategic partnership commitment between Asia and Africa, standing on three pillars, i.e. political solidarity, economic cooperation, and socio-cultural relations, within which governments, regional/sub-regional organizations, as well as peoples of Asian and African nations interact.
The 2005 Asian African Summit was attended by 106 countries, comprising 54 Asian countries and 52 African countries . The Summit concluded a follow-up mechanism for institutionalization process in the form of Summit concurrent with Business Summit every four years, Ministerial Meeting every two years, and Sectoral Ministerial as well as Technical Meeting if deemed necessary.
A fascinating literary account, which brings out some overlap between the internationalist aims of African-American politics in the period with Third-world movements can be found in Richard Wright’s The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference.
Participants

Countries represented in the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955. Twenty-nine independent countries were present, representing over half the world’s population. Vietnam is represented twice by both North and South Vietnam.

Member states of the Non-Aligned Movement (2007). Light blue states have observer status.
• Afghanistan
• Burma
• Cambodia
• Ceylon
• People’s Republic of China
• Cyprus 1
• Egypt
• Ethiopia
• India
• Indonesia
• Iran
• Iraq
• Japan
• Jordan
• Laos
• Lebanon
• Liberia
• Libya
• Nepal
• Pakistan
• Philippines
• Saudi Arabia
• Syria
• Sudan
• Thailand
• Turkey
• Democratic Republic of Vietnam
• State of Vietnam (Republic of Vietnam)
• Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen
A pre-independent colonial Cyprus was represented by [the] eventual first president, Makarios III.

– AFRICAN RELATION WITH LATIN AMERICA
An Afro-Latin American (also Afro-Latino in the United States) is a Latin American person of Black African ancestry; the term may also refer to historical or cultural elements in Latin America thought to emanate from this community. The term can refer to the mixing of African and other cultural elements found in Latin American society such as religion, music, language, the arts and social class.
The term Afro-Latin American, as used in this article refers specifically to black African ancestry and not to European colonial or Afro-Arab ancestry, such as white South African or Arab Moroccan ancestry.[5] The term is not widely used in Latin America outside of academic circles. Normally Afro Latin Americans are called “black” (in Spanish negro or, in the Caribbean, prieto, in Portuguese negro or preto). More commonly, when referring to cultural aspects of African origin within specific countries of Latin America, terms carry an Afro- prefix followed by the relevant nationality. Notable examples include Afro-Cuban (Spanish:Afro Cubano) and Afro-Brazilian; however, usage varies considerably from nation to nation.
The accuracy of statistics reporting on Afro-Latin Americans has been questioned, especially where they are derived from census reports in which the subjects choose their own designation, because in all countries the concept of black ancestry is viewed with differing attitudes.
Approximately 5% of the Latin American population self-identify, or are classified by census takers, as being primarily of black ancestry.
History
Many people of Black African origin arrived in the Americas with the Spanish and Portuguese in the 15th and 16th centuries. Pedro Alonso Niño, traditionally considered the first of many New World explorers of Black African descent was a navigator in the 1492 Columbus expedition. Those who were directly from West Africa mostly arrived in Latin America as part of the Atlantic slave trade, as agricultural, domestic, and menial laborers and as mineworkers. They were also employed in mapping and exploration (for example, Estevanico) and were even involved in conquest (for example, Juan Valiente). They were mostly brought from West Africa and Central Africa in what are now the nations of Nigeria, Ghana, Benin, Angola, and Congo, There are six major groups: the Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Ewe, Akan, and the Bantu (mostly Zulu). Most of the slaves were sent to Brazil, and the Caribbean, but lesser numbers went to Colombia and Venezuela. Countries with significant black, mulatto, or zambo populations today include Brazil (86 million, according to how censuses are applied nationwide, considering all the brown Brazilian population as being “Black”, which must signifies of African descent and makes caboclo identity lacks of space on racial classifications there), Colombia (10 million), Haiti (8.7 million), Dominican Republic (up to 8.1 million), Cuba (up to 4 million), and Puerto Rico (20%–46%). Recent genetic research in UPR Mayaguez has brought to light that 26.4% of Puerto Ricans have Black African heritage on the X chromosome and 20% on the Y chromosome, thus between 20%–46% of the Puerto Rican population has African heritage.[9] (For more on this see Demographics of Puerto Rico).
Traditional terms for Afro-Latin Americans with their own developed culture include Garífuna (in Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala and Belize), cafuzo (in Brazil), and zambo in the Andes and Central America. Marabou is a term of Haitian origin denoting a Haitian of multiracial ethnicity. The term describes the offspring of a Black African/European or mulatto and an Amerindian, specifically the native Taíno, born in Haiti (formerly Saint-Domingue). The heavy population of Africans on the island established by the French and Spanish diluted the generations of so-called “marabous” over the decades, and virtually all Haitians today of Amerindian descent are assumed to also possess Black African ancestry. Several other terms exist for the “marabou” racial mixture in other countries.
The mix of these African cultures with the Spanish, Portuguese, French, and indigenous cultures of Latin America has produced many unique forms of language (e.g., Palenquero, Garífuna and Creole), religions (e.g., Candomblé, Abakuá, Santería, Lucumi and Vodou), music (e.g., kompa, salsa, Bachata, Punta, Palo de Mayo, plena, samba, merengue, cumbia) martial arts (capoeira) and dance (rumba, merengue). Many of these cultural expressions have become pervasive in Latin America

– AFRICAN RELATION WITH AMERICA AND EUROPE
OVER THE LAST CENTURY, RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND Africa have undergone many changes. The relationship between these two geographic zones has been defined primarily by the slave trade and the Cold War. Although historians familiar with the details of the two zones could come up with a number of events that to some degree characterize the unique nature of this relationship, the fact remains that Africa and the United States of America have come to be associated in the minds of most people around the world only in terms of their black populations and their political and military connections during the Cold War. The presence of millions of people of African descent, and their growing power and self-assertiveness in the American political process, have combined to make US-Africa relations an issue of greater scholarly interest.
No one who is a student of Africa over the last century can deny the impact of European people on the face and history of this continent. If Africa was not a major theater during the First and Second World Wars, the Cold War and its ravages in Africa can still be seen after the Cold War’s conclusion in 1989. The presence of Cuban troops in Angola, the hazards of land mines in that country, the thousands of Africans who lost their lives in the ideologically charged civil wars in Ethiopia, and the large number of Africans who became refugees around the world, are all definite signs of the Cold War and its aftermath. What is being said here is that US-Africa relations, like all things within nature, are ongoing. There have been moments of conflict and moments of reconciliation.
The purpose of this brief essay is threefold. First, I intend to demonstrate that African opinions on and attitudes toward the United States are affected by the question of slavery, America’s support for colonialism, America’s attitudes toward the apartheid regime in South Africa, and America’s positions during the Cold War. The second objective of this paper is to identify the concept and movement of Pan-Africanism as a source of value for African opinions on and attitudes toward the United States. Here I will show how this idea and the movement that grew out of it have combined to define the view of America and the West held by black intellectuals who embraced such a position. The third objective is to offer a set of conclusions summarizing and emphasizing the points of convergence and divergence between the United States and the countries of Africa.
AFRICAN OPINIONS ON AND ATTITUDES TOWARD THE UNITED STATES
It needs to be made categorically clear that, although the slave trade is not the overriding fact in the minds of most Africans today, no African can enter the United States and ignore the black presence in this country. Second, even those Africans still living on the continent of Africa cannot deny that their people were captured and ferried over the Atlantic Ocean to serve as slaves in the Americas. This phenomenon–which I have described elsewhere as the Josephite and anti-Josephite tendencies in black history–is a painful remind to all blacks that the stigma associated with blackness among most white peoples of the world goes back to that original sin of betraying one’s brother. Just as in the biblical story of Joseph, here too the Africans have the same moral and psychological dilemma that captured the attention and imagination of his brothers as well as those of Moses and the ancient Hebrews in the land of pharaoh. This analogy is not lost to modern historians, for one of them has described Marcus Garvey, the Jamaican-born leader of a mass movement in the United States, in the early part of the twentieth century, as “Black Moses.” Garvey, it should be noted, was a fervent advocate of Pan-Africanism. Committed to the liberation of his people and determined to see it through by all means available to him then, he did everything within his power to ferry them back to their homeland. Unlike the ancient Hebrews going to a Promised Land, these blacks under the leadership of Garvey were pressing their claims to a land that was being rapidly taken over by rapacious European imperialists. The European powers, whose struggles for African land was described as the “Scramble for Africa” by many historians of the last century, were bent on remaking Africa and its children. These colonial and imperial ventures would not only affect the relationship between blacks and whites around the world, but would also add insult to injury. The resulting scarring of the African mind would be the subject of discourse by many black intellectuals, the most prominent among them Frantz Fanon. This man from Martinique in the French Caribbean would symbolize and embody the realities and the contradictions that are clearly associated with the colonial question among blacks around the world.
When Fanon wrote his book, Black Skin, White Mask, he described the colonial condition and its intended and unintended consequences for both France and its colonial subjects. The problem analyzed by Fanon is inextricably linked to the relationship between whites and blacks. The American experience cannot be discussed objectively without bringing in the race question. This is why in analyzing the relationship between the United States and Africa, the racial question becomes paramount. Time and space does not allow me to go into details about the question, but we can state briefly and in passing that the relationship between these two geographic zones will always revolve around the race question, which is an extension of the slave trade and its consequences for Americans and Africans. The writings of Fanon, W. E. B. Dubois, Marcus Garvey, Leon Damas, C. L. R. James and countless other blacks from the diaspora seem to articulate publicly what is felt privately by millions of people of African descent, whose lives and destinies have now been inextricably tied to the many states of North and South America.
The common thread that unites all these biographies is their fate as blacks in a white world still uncomfortable with the race question. Their intellectual and practical activities have created not only a corpus of literature that provides counterpoints to the vast literature of anti-black bigotry, but a tradition of resistance to any and all forms of black denigration. Scared or scarred by the slings and arrows of racism, and determined to carve a place for their people on this planet, these leaders of the black struggle for independence and justice have come to be seen as champions of freedom from the diaspora and they now enjoyed popular support and are widely celebrated for their activities on behalf of Africa and her peoples. Thus, in examining the relationship between Africa and the United States, one must remember that the slave trade and the Middle Passage have given African peoples many events to remember, many heroes and sheroes to celebrate, many moments to cry about, many places and locations to see as reference points for a historical defeat here and a historical victory there. It is in this context that one can reference the writings of the late Alex Hailey of Roots fame. Indeed, his works and the films that grew out them provide us with great insights to the slave trade, the Middle Passage, and the whole issue of African American identity.
With respect to the slave trade, one cannot forget the saga of Kunta Kinte, a Senegambian name that has now claimed its place in the annals of American history. If American Muslims were part of the footnotes to American history, through his literary efforts Alex Hailey, a descendant of an African-born slave, Kunta Kinte, has restored their honor and their historicity in the person of his great-grandparent. Hailey has also contributed to African-American history through his efforts as ghostwriter for Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik Shabazz), the national spokesman for the Nation of Islam before his defection and assassination in 1964.
In looking into the relationship between the United States and Africa, these episodes discussed earlier serve as markers if not milestones on the journey of mutual discovery. This argument is being made for three reasons. First, one can demonstrate that in the saga of this fictionalized African, the question of loss of African identity through slavery is too obvious to be denied. What Alex Hailey captured through his prose and literary skills is being now documented by historians such as Michael Gomez of New York University. The transition from African to African American is an interesting story that deserves our attention, and those who are seriously interested in documenting the relationship between the two geographic zones and peoples must pay attention. Gomez has demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt how Africans were broken and subdued to be the objects of slave masters. His narrative also points to the psycho-cultural consequences with respect to the loss of religion. His book, Exchanging our Country Marks, is a good pointer to the many milestones that will forever define the nature of the relationship between the United States and the people of the African continent.
(PART 4): AFRICAN INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS
-ECOWAS, SADC, prospects, failures and successes.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is a regional group of fifteen West African countries. Founded on 28 May 1975, with the signing of the Treaty of Lagos, its mission is to promote economic integration across the region.
Considered one of the pillars of the African Economic Community, the organization was founded in order to achieve “collective self-sufficiency” for its member states by creating a single large trading bloc through an economic and trading union. It also serves as a peacekeeping force in the region. The organization operates officially in three co-equal languages—English, French, and Portuguese.
The ECOWAS consists of two institutions to implement policies, the ECOWAS Secretariat and the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development, formerly known as the Fund for Cooperation until it was renamed in 2001.
A few members of the organization have come and gone over the years. In 1976 Cape Verde joined ECOWAS, and in December 2000 Mauritania withdrew, having announced its intention to do so in December 1999.
Current members
Benin
Burkina Faso
Cape Verde
Côte d’Ivoire
Gambia
Ghana
Guinea
Guinea-Bissau
Liberia
Mali
Niger
Nigeria
Senegal
Sierra Leone
Togo

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) is an inter-governmental organization headquartered in Gaborone, Botswana. Its goal is to further socio-economic cooperation and integration as well as political and security cooperation among 15 southern African states. It complements the role of the African Union.
History
The origins of SADC lie in the 1960s and 1970s, when the leaders of majority-ruled countries and national liberation movements coordinated their political, diplomatic and military struggles to bring an end to colonial and white-minority rule in southern Africa. The immediate forerunner of the political and security cooperation leg of today’s SADC was the informal Frontline States (FLS) grouping. It was formed in 1980.
The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was the forerunner of the socio-economic cooperation leg of today’s SADC. The adoption by nine majority-ruled southern African countries of the Lusaka declaration on 1 April 1980 paved the way for the formal establishment of SADCC in April 1980.
Membership of the FLS and SADCC sometimes differed.
SADCC was transformed into SADC on 17 August 1992, with the adoption by the founding members of SADCC and newly independent Namibia of the Windhoek declaration and treaty establishing SADC. The 1992 SADC provided for both socio-economic cooperation and political and security cooperation. In reality, the FLS was dissolved only in 1994, after South Africa’s first democratic elections. Subsequent efforts to place political and security cooperation on a firm institutional footing under SADC’s umbrella failed.
On 14 August 2001, the 1992 SADC treaty was amended. The amendment heralded the overhaul of the structures, policies and procedures of SADC, a process which is ongoing. One of the changes is that political and security cooperation is institutionalised in the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS). One of the principal SADC bodies, it is subject to the oversight of the organisation’s supreme body, the Summit, which comprises the heads of state or government.
In 2008, the SADC agreed to establish a free trade zone with the East African Community (EAC) and the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) including all members of each of the organizations.
Since 2000 began the formation of the SADC Free trade area with the participation of the SACU countries (South Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland). Next to join were Mauritius, Zimbabwe, and Madagascar. In 2008 joined Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia bringing the total number of SADC FTA members to 12. Angola, DR Congo and Seychelles are not yet participating.
Member states
SADC has 15 member states, one of whose membership is currently suspended:
• Angola
• Botswana
• Democratic Republic of the Congo – since 8 September 1997
• Lesotho
• Malawi
• Mauritius – since 28 August 1995
• Mozambique
• Namibia – since 31 March 1990 (since independence)
• Swaziland
• Tanzania
• Zambia
• Zimbabwe
• South Africa – since 30 August 1994
• Seychelles – also previously been a member of SADC from 8 September 1997 until 1 July 2004 then joined again in 2008.
Suspended
• Madagascar – Membership currently suspended after the coup d’état led by the former mayor of Antananarivo Andry Rajoelina.[1]

-FROM OAU TO AU, THE FAILURE OF OAU AND AU PROSPECTS
The African Union (abbreviated AU in English, and UA in its other official languages) is a union consisting of 54 African states. The only all-African state not in the AU is Morocco. Established on 9 July 2002, the AU was formed as a successor to the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). The most important decisions of the AU are made by the Assembly of the African Union, a semi-annual meeting of the heads of state and government of its member states. The AU’s secretariat, the African Union Commission, is based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Overview
Among the objectives of the AU’s leading institutions are:
• to accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent;
• to promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples;
• to achieve peace and security in Africa; and
• to promote democratic institutions, good governance and human rights.
The African Union is made up of both political and administrative bodies. The highest decision-making organ is the Assembly of the African Union, made up of all the heads of state or government of member states of the AU. The Assembly is chaired by Yayi Boni, president of Benin, elected at the 18thordinary meeting of the Assembly in January 2012. The AU also has a representative body, the Pan African Parliament, which consists of 265 members elected by the national parliaments of the AU member states. Its president is Idriss Ndele Moussa.
Other political institutions of the AU include
• the Executive Council, made up of foreign ministers, which prepares decisions for the Assembly;
• the Permanent Representatives Committee, made up of the ambassadors to Addis Ababa of AU member states; and
• the Economic, Social, and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC), a civil society consultative body.
The AU Commission, the secretariat to the political structures, is chaired by Jean Ping of Gabon.

The African Union’s new headquarters complex in Addis Ababa.
The main administrative capital of the African Union is in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, where the African Union Commission is headquartered. A new headquarters complex, the AU Conference Center and Office Complex (AUCC), was inaugurated on 28 January 2012, during the 18th AU summit.[The complex was built by China State Construction Engineering Corporation as a gift from the Chinese government, and accommodates, amongst other facilities, a 2,500-seat plenary hall and a 20-story office tower. The tower is 99.9 meters high to signify the date 9 September 1999, when the Organization of African Unity voted to become the African Union.
Other AU structures are hosted by different member states:
• the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights is based in Banjul, The Gambia; and
• the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and APRM Secretariats and the Pan-African Parliament are in Midrand, South Africa.
The AU covers the entire continent except for the Îles Éparses, Réunion, Mayotte, Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha, Madeira, Canary Islands, Spanish North Africa, and Morocco. Morocco is not a member because its government opposes the membership of Western Sahara as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. However, Morocco has a special status within the AU and benefits from the services available to all AU states from the institutions of the AU, such as the African Development Bank. Moroccan delegates also participate at important AU functions, and negotiations continue to try to resolve the conflict with the Polisario Front in Tindouf, Algeria and the parts of Western Sahara.
The AU’s first military intervention in a member state was the May 2003 deployment of a peacekeeping force of soldiers from South Africa, Ethiopia, and Mozambique to Burundi to oversee the implementation of the various agreements. AU troops were also deployed in Sudan for peacekeeping in the Darfur conflict, before the mission was handed over to the United Nations on 1 January 2008 UNAMID. The AU has also sent a peacekeeping mission to Somalia, of which the peacekeeping troops are from Uganda and Burundi.
The AU has adopted a number of important new documents establishing norms at continental level, to supplement those already in force when it was created. These include the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (2003), the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and its associated Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance.
Treaties

Signed
In force
Document
1961
1961 1963
1963
OAU Charter 1991
N/A
Abuja Treaty
1999
2002
Sirte Declaration

Organisation of African Unity (OAU)
African Economic Community:

Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD)

Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA)
East African Community (EAC)
Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS)
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)

Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)

Southern African Development Community (SADC)

Arab Maghreb Union (AMU)

Casablanca Group
African Union (AU)
Monrovia Group

• v
• t
• e

Membership
See also: List of African Union member states by political system, List of African Union member states by population, and Enlargement of the African Union

Map of the African Union with suspended states highlighted in light green.
Members
The following countries are members of the African Union:
Algeria
Angola
Benin
Botswana
Burkina Faso
Burundi
Cameroon
Cape Verde
Central African Republic
Chad
Comoros
Democratic Republic of the Congo
Republic of the Congo
Côte d’Ivoire
Djibouti
Egypt
Equatorial Guinea
Eritrea
Ethiopia
Gabon
Gambia
Ghana
Guinea-Bissau
Guinea
Kenya
Lesotho
Liberia
Libya
Malawi
Mauritania
Mauritius
Mozambique
Namibia
Niger
Nigeria
Rwanda
Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic
São Tomé and Príncipe
Senegal
Seychelles
Sierra Leone
Somalia
South Africa
South Sudan[13]
Sudan
Swaziland
Tanzania
Togo
Tunisia
Uganda
Zambia
Zimbabwe

Suspended members
Madagascar – suspended after 2009 Malagasy political crisis.
Mali – suspended after 2012 Mali coup d’état.
Former members
Morocco – left the AU’s predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1984, when the majority of member countries supported the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (proclaimed by the Polisario Front in 1976 claiming the representation of the Western Sahara), resulting on SADR admission in the AU. Morocco’s ally, Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), similarly opposed the OAU’s admission of the Sahrawi Republic, and the Mobutu regime boycotted the organisation from 1984 to 1986. Some countries have since retracted their support for the Sahrawi Republic.
Organisations
The African Union has a number of official bodies:
Pan-African Parliament (PAP)
To become the highest legislative body of the African Union. The seat of the PAP is at Midrand, South Africa. The Parliament is composed of 265 elected representatives from all 54 AU states, and intended to provide popular and civil-society participation in the processes of democratic governance. Its president is the Hon. Idriss Ndele Moussa of Chad.
Assembly of the African Union
Composed of heads of state and heads of government of AU states, the Assembly is currently the supreme governing body of the African Union. It is gradually devolving some of its decision-making powers to the Pan African Parliament. It meets once a year and makes its decisions by consensus or by a two-thirds majority. The current chair of the AU is President Yayi Boni of Benin.
African Union Authority
The secretariat of the African Union, composed of ten commissioners and supporting staff and headquartered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. In a similar fashion to its European counterpart, the European Commission, it is responsible for the administration and co-ordination of the AU’s activities and meetings.
African Court of Justice
The Constitutive Act provides for a Court of Justice to rule on disputes over interpretation of AU treaties. A protocol to set up the Court of Justice was adopted in 2003 and entered into force in 2009. It is likely to be superseded by a protocol creating a Court of Justice and Human Rights, which will incorporate the already established African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights (see below) and have two chambers—one for general legal matters and one for rulings on the human rights treaties.
Executive Council
Composed of ministers designated by the governments of member states. It decides on matters such as foreign trade, social security, food, agriculture and communications, is accountable to the Assembly, and prepares material for the Assembly to discuss and approve.
Permanent Representatives’ Committee
Consisting of nominated permanent representatives of member states, the Committee prepares the work for the Executive Council, similar the role of the Committee of Permanent Representatives in the European Union.
Peace and Security Council (PSC)
Proposed at the Lusaka Summit in 2001 and established in 2004 under a protocol to the Constitutive Act adopted by the AU Assembly in July 2002. The protocol defines the PSC as a collective security and early warning arrangement to facilitate timely and effective response to conflict and crisis situations in Africa. Other responsibilities conferred to the PSC by the protocol include prevention, management and resolution of conflicts, post-conflict peace building and developing common defence policies. The PSC has fifteen members elected on a regional basis by the Assembly. Similar in intent and operation to the United Nations Security Council.
Economic, Social and Cultural Council
An advisory organ composed of professional and civic representatives, similar to the European Economic and Social Committee. The chair of ECOSOCC, elected in 2008, is Cameroonian lawyer Akere Muna of the Pan-African Lawyers Union (PALU).
Specialised Technical Committees
Both the Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act provide for Specialised Technical Committees to be established made up of African ministers to advise the Assembly. In practice, they have never been set up. The ten proposed themes are: Rural Economy and Agricultural Matters; Monetary and Financial Affairs; Trade, Customs, and Immigration; Industry, Science and Technology; Energy, Natural Resources, and Environment; Transport, Communications, and Tourism; Health; Labour, and Social Affairs; Education, Culture, and Human Resources.
Financial institutions
• African Central Bank – Abuja, Nigeria
• African Investment Bank – Tripoli, Libya
• African Monetary Fund – Yaoundé, Cameroon.
These institutions have not yet been established, however, the Steering Committees working on their founding have been constituted. Eventually, the AU aims to have a single currency (the Afro).
Human rights
The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, in existence since 1986, is established under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the African Charter) rather than the Constitutive Act of the African Union. It is the premier African human rights body, with responsibility for monitoring and promoting compliance with the African Charter. The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights was established in 2006 to supplement the work of the Commission, following the entry into force of a protocol to the African Charter providing for its creation. It is planned that the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights will be merged with the African Court of Justice

-NEPAD, AFRICAN ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS
The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is an economic development program of the African Union. NEPAD was adopted at the 37th session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in July 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia. NEPAD aims to provide an overarching vision and policy framework for accelerating economic co-operation and integration among African countries.
Origins and function
NEPAD is a merger of two plans for the economic regeneration of Africa: the Millennium Partnership for the African Recovery Programme (MAP), led by Former President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa in conjunction with Former President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria and President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria; and the OMEGA Plan for Africa developed by President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal. At a summit in Sirte, Libya, March 2001, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) agreed that the MAP and OMEGA Plans should be merged.
The UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) developed a “Compact for Africa’s Recovery” based on both these plans and on resolutions on Africa adopted by the United Nations Millennium Summit in September 2000, and submitted a merged document to the Conference of African Ministers of Finance and Ministers of Development and Planning in Algiers, May 2001.
In July 2001, the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government meeting in Lusaka, Zambia, adopted this document under the name of the New African Initiative (NAI). The leaders of G8 countries endorsed the plan on July 20, 2001; and other international development partners, including the European Union, China, and Japan also made public statements indicating their support for the program. The Heads of State and Government Implementation Committee (HSGIC) for the project finalized the policy framework and named it the New Partnership for Africa’s Development on 23 October 2001. NEPAD is now a program of the African Union (AU) that has replaced the OAU in 2002, though it has its own secretariat based in South Africa to coordinate and implement its programmes.
NEPAD’s four primary objectives are: to eradicate poverty, promote sustainable growth and development, integrate Africa in the world economy, and accelerate the empowerment of women. It is based on underlying principles of a commitment to good governance, democracy, human rights and conflict resolution; and the recognition that maintenance of these standards is fundamental to the creation of an environment conducive to investment and long-term economic growth. NEPAD seeks to attract increased investment, capital flows and funding, providing an African-owned framework for development as the foundation for partnership at regional and international levels.
In July 2002, the Durban AU summit supplemented NEPAD with a Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance. According to the Declaration, states participating in NEPAD ‘believe in just, honest, transparent, accountable and participatory government and probity in public life’. Accordingly, they ‘undertake to work with renewed determination to enforce’, among other things, the rule of law; the equality of all citizens before the law; individual and collective freedoms; the right to participate in free, credible and democratic political processes; and adherence to the separation of powers, including protection for the independence of the judiciary and the effectiveness of parliaments.
The Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance also committed participating states to establish an African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to promote adherence to and fulfilment of its commitments. The Durban summit adopted a document setting out the stages of peer review and the principles by which the APRM should operate; further core documents were adopted at a meeting in Abuja in March 2003, including a Memorandum of Understanding to be signed by governments wishing to undertake the peer review.
Current status
Ever since it was set up there has been some tension over the place of NEPAD within the AU programs, given its origins outside the framework of the AU, and the continuing dominant role of South Africa—symbolised by the location of the secretariat in South Africa.
Successive AU summits and meetings of the HSGIC have proposed the greater integration of NEPAD into the AU’s structures and processes. In March 2007 there was a ‘brainstorming session’ on NEPAD held in Algeria at which the future of NEPAD and its relationship with the AU was discussed by an ad hoc committee of heads of state. The committee again recommended the fuller integration of NEPAD with the AU.[3] In April 2008, a review summit of five heads of state—Presidents Mbeki of South Africa, Wade of Senegal, Bouteflika of Algeria, Mubarak of Egypt and Yar’Adua of Nigeria—met in Senegal with a mandate to consider the progress in implementing NEPAD and report to the next AU summit to be held in Egypt in July 2008.
Structure
The HSGIC to which the NEPAD secretariat reports comprises three states for each region of the African Union, with former President Obasanjo (Nigeria) as elected chair, and Presidents Bouteflika (Algeria) and Wade (Senegal) as deputy chairmen. The HSGIC meets several times a year and reports to the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government.
There is also a steering committee, comprising 20 AU member states, to oversee projects and program development.
The NEPAD Secretariat is based in Midrand, South Africa. The first CEO was Wiseman Nkuhlu of South Africa (2001–2005), and the second Mozambican Firmino Mucavele (2005–2008). On April 1, 2009, Ibrahim Hassane Mayaki accepted the position as the 3rd CEO.
The NEPAD Secretariat is not responsible for the implementation of development programs itself, but works with the African Regional Economic Communities — the building blocks of the African Union.[6] The role of the NEPAD Secretariat is one of coordination and resource mobilisation.
Many individual African states have also established national NEPAD structures responsible for liaison with the continental initiatives on economic reform and development programs.
Partners
• UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA)
• African Development Bank
• Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA)
• Investment Climate Facility (ICF)
• African Capacity Building Foundation
• Office of the UN Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser on Africa
• IDC (The Industrial Development Corporation) – Sponsor of NEPAD
Programs
The eight priority areas of NEPAD are: political, economic and corporate governance; agriculture; infrastructure; education; health; science and technology; market access and tourism; and environment.

(PART 5): GLOBALISATION AND AFRICA
– THE THEORIES OF GLOBALISATION (DEMOCRATIZATION & LIBERALISATION)
– AFRICAN DEBT CRISIS AND ECONOMIC GLOBALISATION
The African debt crisis is one among a wide range of problems that the continent is facing. The origin of the African debt crisis includes many factors and causes that will be highlighted in this section such as:

• the oil price shocks
• rising commodity prices
• the rise in public expenditure by African governments

THE OIL PRICE SHOCKS

Most countries in Africa can be considered Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC countries). Although only a small share of global GDP is accounted for by these HIPC countries and transition economies, many of them are among the most seriously affected by higher oil prices. The lack of access to private capital markets due to the absence of international assistance, will likely make the impact of higher oil prices on output relatively large. This is because it will have to be met primarily through a reduction in domestic demand. The following diagram shows the effects of an oil price increase on HIPC countries. Notice the negative millions of dollars that African countries have lost due to oil price shocks.

Selected HIPC and CIS Countries—Preliminary Estimates of First Round Effects of an Oil Price Increase and IMF Quotas
Source: INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND- The Impact of Higher Oil Prices on the Global Economy

RISING COMMODITY PRICES
Probably one of the financial market topics discussed so very frequently in recent years has been the remarkable and continued surge in commodity prices. This surge could be seen across a broad range of commodity groups; including precious and base metal prices, oil and energy prices, and lately agricultural produce prices (grains, softs and livestock). The oil shock and the inter-related surge in food prices are believed to unfavorably affect millions living on the tiny margin between subsistence and starvation in many African countries. Any benefits of these rising commodity prices have not reached citizens of these African countries who are suffering from AIDS, malnutrition, dehydration, infection, conflict and other preventable diseases.

A RISE IN PUBLIC EXPENDITURE BY AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS
Due to the demand for better health care, education and housing, African governments began intensely increasing their countries’ public expenditure annually. Although these expenditures greatly benefited the citizens, the government began paying huge sums of interest amounting to one billion dollars daily. The debt that Africa is in due to public expenditure has been soaring since the early 1970s, following the rising commodity prices. The public expenditure debt continues to ascend daily.

OTHER FACTS TO CONSIDER:
• Approximately 46 percent of Africa’s debt is owed by the North African Nations while the remaining 54 percent of the debt is owed by the Sub Saharan African Nations.
• Only ten to twelve countries account for seventy five percent of Africa’s total debt.
• Over 60 percent of Africa’s debt is owed to official creditors such as the World Bank, The IMF and world leaders.
• The high interest rates along side the cost to reschedule debt have forced Africa and other developing regions into a relapse of instability.

Although Africa does have an abundance of natural resources it is still the poorest continent in the world. The reason behind its poor standard of living and poor economy has a lot to do with the following issues.

Corruption in government
Since the Decolonization of Africa, Africa has had a history of corruption in the levels of government.
This map below shows the continents and its level of government corruption. As you can see Africa in most regions in African have an low control over corruption. As you may also see many corrupt regions also have a level of natural resource such as minerals or oil.

Decolonization of Africa
• Africa’s greatest relative wealth was found in the 1960’s before decolonization
• African countries with European leaders exported raw materials to increase wealth
• When Europe withdrew from Africa they left countries with no one educated enough to maintain the political structure that has been implemented.
• Africa have never been able to regain the wealth from the days of colonization
• Europe withdrew after raping the land of its natural resource that has arguably increased current economic problems.

External loans from World Bank and IMF

For Africa:
In 1970, it owed just under $11 billion in debt
By 2002, that debt grew to approximately $295 billion

• Everyday people in Africa die from curable disease, poverty and hunger. The government cannot put money into helping these people because it must pay 15 Billion dollars a year in debt repayment to places like the World Bank and IMF.
• African economic advances cannot be made when it must pay a shocking 1 billion dollars a day interest fee.
• These loans from organizations such as the World Bank are meant to aid the country during this economic crisis. These loans actually sabotage these African countries. Nigeria has borrowed 5 billion dollars from the World Bank. To date they have repaid 16 billion dollars. Shocking they still owe the bank 32 billion dollars in interest.

-AFRICAN CONFLICT AND POLITICAL GLOBALISATION
– THE CONTRADICTIONS; NEO-COLONALISM AND GLOBALISATION
SUMMARY:
THE PRESENT AND FUTURE PROSPECTS OF AFRICAN STATES UNDER GLOBALISATION.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

VALENTINE C. UWAKWE, is indeed a prolific writer who is widely acknowledge for his wisdom and knowledge in the academic
Field. A graduate of geography & environmental management,
University of portharcourt, he is the director of operations-
Hyattration System. This masterpiece was propel for a deep desire
for success in all academic students in the department of political science.
Exciting wide of topics and literatures to read free are deposited
In his internet back bites;
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He can be contacted via +23408033559733, +447024073836
and through mail; valentine202@yahoo.com and hyattrations@yahoo.com

DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION; POL 450.1


COURSE OUTLINE

1. CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT, ITS INDICATORS AND MEASUREMENT USING VARIOUS PERSPERTIVE OF THE LIBERAL AND MAXISM ORIENTATIONS;
2. CONCEPT OF UNDER-DEVELOPMENT, ITS INDICATORS AND MEASUREMENT USING VARIOUS PERSPERTIVE OF THE LIBERAL AND MAXISM ORIENTATIONS;
3. THE CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION; ITS DEFINITIONS, EMERGENCE, STRATEGIES AND APPROACHES.

4. SOME SELECTED THEORIES IN DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;

5. THE STATE AND DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRACTION;
6. INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES IN DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;
7. THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS IN DEVELOPMENT;
8. DEVELOPMENT PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;
9. DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION AND THE PRIVATE SECTOR;
10. THE EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENTS OF DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;
(PART 1)
-GLOBALISATION;

PREFACE

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JOECRACK CONCEPT

1. CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT, ITS INDICATORS AND MEASUREMENT USING VARIOUS PERSPERTIVE OF THE LIBERAL AND MAXISM ORIENTATIONS;
Development may refer to:
Land use
• Green development, a concept that includes consideration of community-wide or regional environmental implications
• Land development, altering the landscape in any number of ways
• Mixed-use development, the practice of allowing more than one type of use in a building or set of buildings
• Real estate development, a business encompassing activities from renovation to the purchase of raw land
• Subdivision (land), or a development, a piece of land divided from a larger portion for sale or further development
• Urban planning, or development, integrates land use planning and transportation planning to improve communities
• Transit-oriented development, a mixed-use residential or commercial area designed to maximize access to public transport
Science and technology
• Artificial development, an area of computer science and engineering
• Development (differential geometry), the process of rolling one surface over another
• Development (journal), an academic journal in developmental biology
• Development (topology), a countable collection of open coverings
• Developmental biology, the study of the process by which organisms grow and develop
• Drug development, the entire process of bringing a new drug or device to the market
• Embryogenesis, or development, the process by which the embryo is formed
• Energy development, the effort to provide sufficient primary energy sources
• Human development (biology), the process of growing to maturity
o Prenatal development, the process in which a human embryo or fetus gestates during pregnancy
o Child development, the biological, psychological, and emotional changes that occur in human beings between birth and the end of adolescence
o Youth development, the process through which adolescents acquire the cognitive, social, and emotional skills and abilities required to navigate life
• Neural development, the processes that generate, shape, and reshape the nervous system
• Photographic development, the chemical means by which exposed photographic film or paper is processed to produce a visible image
• Research and development, work aiming to increase knowledge
• Software development, the development of a software product
• Tooth development or odontogenesis
• Web development, work involved in developing a web site
Social science
• Development studies, social science which addresses issues of concern to developing countries
• Development geography, geography with reference to the standard of living and quality of life of human inhabitants
• Developmental psychology, the scientific study of systematic psychological, emotional, and perception changes over life spans
• Community development, the practices and academic disciplines to improve various aspects of local communities
• Sociocultural evolution, how cultures and societies have changed over time
• Economic development, the economic aspect of social change
• Human development (humanity), an international and economic development paradigm
• Human development theory, a theory that merges older ideas from ecological economics, sustainable development, welfare economics, and feminist economics
• Rural development, actions and initiatives taken to improve the standard of living in non-Urban neighborhoods, countryside, and remote villages
• Social development, processes of change in societies
• Sustainable development, a pattern of resources use, that aims to meet human needs while preserving the environment

International and regional
• Regional development, the provision of aid and other assistance to regions which are less economically developed
o Multilateral development bank
o European Development Fund, an instrument for European Community aid
o Development aid, the provision of assistance to developing countries
• Economic development, the sustained, concerted effort of policymakers and community to promote the standard of living and economic health in a specific area
• Human Development Index, used to rank countries by level of “human development”
• International development, the development of greater quality of life for humans

Business and professional
• Business development, a process of growing a business
• Career development, which as several meanings
• Corporate development, a position in a business
• Development & Commerce Bank (now called RHB Bank)
• Fundraising, soliciting voluntary contributions to an organization or prospective organization
• Training and development, organizational activity aimed at bettering the performance of individuals and groups in organizational settings
• Leadership development, activities that enhances the quality of leadership within an individual or organization
• New product development, the complete process of bringing a new product to market
• Organization development, a conceptual, organization-wide effort to increase an organization’s effectiveness and viability
• Personal development or self-help
• Professional development, skills and knowledge attained for both personal development and career advancement

Music
• Development (album), a 2002 nu-metal album by musical group Nonpoint
• Musical development, a compositional process
Other
• Characterisation including character development
• Develop, term used in Chess
• Development of doctrine, a term used by John Henry Newman to describe Catholic teachings
• Development hell, media industry term for when a project is stuck in development
• Development of religion, the various stages in the evolution of any particular religion or religious system
• Driver development program is a program used by racing teams to develop younger drivers
• Components of the “development” phase in film making
o Film finance
o Film budgeting
o Green-light

INDICATORS OF DEVELOPMENT;
Indicators of development are statistics or yardsticks of measurement, used for comparism between development and non development platforms. It is used to no if development is or has taken place in an area or not.
Agriculture & Rural Development
Agricultural irrigated land (% of total agricultural land)
Forest area (% of land area)

Agricultural land (% of land area)
Forest area (sq. km)

Agricultural machinery, tractors per 100 sq. km of arable land
Improved water source, rural (% of rural population with access)

Agriculture, value added (% of GDP)
Land area (sq. km)

Agriculture value added per worker (constant 2000 US$)
Land under cereal production (hectares)

Arable land (hectares per person)
Livestock production index (1999-2001 = 100)

Arable land (% of land area)
Permanent cropland (% of land area)

Cereal yield (kg per hectare)
Poverty gap at rural poverty line (%)

Crop production index (1999-2001 = 100)
Poverty headcount ratio at rural poverty line (% of rural population)

Employment in agriculture (% of total employment)
Rural population

Fertilizer consumption (kilograms per hectare of arable land)
Rural population (% of total population)

Food production index (1999-2001 = 100)

Aid Effectiveness
CO2 emissions (metric tons per capita)
Net ODA received per capita (current US$)

Contraceptive prevalence (% of women ages 15-49)
Net official development assistance and official aid received (current US$)

Improved sanitation facilities (% of population with access)
Net official development assistance received (current US$)

Incidence of tuberculosis (per 100,000 people)
Population, female (% of total)

Income share held by lowest 20%
Pregnant women receiving prenatal care (%)

Life expectancy at birth, female (years)
Prevalence of HIV, total (% of population ages 15-49)

Life expectancy at birth, male (years)
Primary completion rate, total (% of relevant age group)

Malnutrition prevalence, weight for age (% of children under 5)
Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%)

Maternal mortality ratio (modeled estimate, per 100,000 live births)
Ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education (%)

Mobile cellular subscriptions (per 100 people)
Share of women employed in the nonagricultural sector (% of total nonagricultural employment)

Mortality rate, under-5 (per 1,000)
Teenage mothers (% of women ages 15-19 who have had children or are currently pregnant)

Net migration
Vulnerable employment, total (% of total employment)

Net ODA received (% of GNI)

Climate Change
Access to electricity (% of population)
Investment in energy with private participation (current US$)

Agricultural irrigated land (% of total agricultural land)
Investment in telecoms with private participation (current US$)

Agricultural land (% of land area)
Investment in transport with private participation (current US$)

Agriculture, value added (% of GDP)
Investment in water and sanitation with private participation (current US$)

Annual freshwater withdrawals, total (billion cubic meters)
Land area where elevation is below 5 meters (% of total land area)

Cereal yield (kg per hectare)
Malnutrition prevalence, weight for age (% of children under 5)

CO2 emissions (kt)
Methane emissions (kt of CO2 equivalent)

CO2 emissions (metric tons per capita)
Mortality rate, under-5 (per 1,000)

CPIA public sector management and institutions cluster average (1=low to 6=high)
Nitrous oxide emissions (thousand metric tons of CO2 equivalent)

Ease of doing business index (1=most business-friendly regulations)
Notified cases of malaria (per 100,000 people)

Electric power consumption (kWh per capita)
Other greenhouse gas emissions, HFC, PFC and SF6 (thousand metric tons of CO2 equivalent)

Energy use (kg of oil equivalent per capita)
Population growth (annual %)

Energy use (kt of oil equivalent)
Population in urban agglomerations of more than 1 million (% of total population)

Foreign direct investment, net inflows (BoP, current US$)
Population living in areas where elevation is below 5 meters (% of total population)

Forest area (% of land area)
Population, total

Forest area (sq. km)
Poverty headcount ratio at $1.25 a day (PPP) (% of population)

GDP (current US$)
Primary completion rate, total (% of relevant age group)

GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)
Ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education (%)

Improved sanitation facilities (% of population with access)
Roads, paved (% of total roads)

Improved water source, rural (% of rural population with access)
Urban population

Improved water source, urban (% of urban population with access)
Urban population (% of total)

Economic Policy & External Debt
Agriculture, value added (% of GDP)
IBRD loans and IDA credits (DOD, current US$)

Cash surplus/deficit (% of GDP)
Imports of goods and services (% of GDP)

Central government debt, total (% of GDP)
Industry, value added (% of GDP)

Current account balance (BoP, current US$)
Inflation, consumer prices (annual %)

Exports of goods and services (% of GDP)
Inflation, GDP deflator (annual %)

External debt stocks, private nonguaranteed (PNG) (DOD, current US$)
Net ODA received (% of GNI)

External debt stocks, public and publicly guaranteed (PPG) (DOD, current US$)
Net ODA received per capita (current US$)

External debt stocks, short-term (DOD, current US$)
Net official development assistance and official aid received (current US$)

External debt stocks, total (DOD, current US$)
Net official development assistance received (current US$)

Foreign direct investment, net inflows (BoP, current US$)
Portfolio equity, net inflows (BoP, current US$)

GDP (current US$)
Revenue, excluding grants (% of GDP)

GDP growth (annual %)
Royalty and license fees, payments (BoP, current US$)

GDP per capita (current US$)
Royalty and license fees, receipts (BoP, current US$)

GNI, Atlas method (current US$)
Services, etc., value added (% of GDP)

GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)
Total debt service (% of exports of goods, services and income)

GNI per capita, PPP (current international $)
Total reserves (includes gold, current US$)

GNI, PPP (current international $)
Trade in services (% of GDP)

Gross capital formation (% of GDP)
Use of IMF credit (DOD, current US$)

Gross savings (% of GDP)
Workers’ remittances and compensation of employees, received (current US$)

Education
Children out of school, primary, female
Progression to secondary school, male (%)

Children out of school, primary, male
Public spending on education, total (% of GDP)

Expenditure per student, primary (% of GDP per capita)
Public spending on education, total (% of government expenditure)

Expenditure per student, secondary (% of GDP per capita)
Pupil-teacher ratio, primary

Expenditure per student, tertiary (% of GDP per capita)
Ratio of female to male primary enrollment (%)

Gross intake rate in grade 1, female (% of relevant age group)
Ratio of female to male secondary enrollment (%)

Gross intake rate in grade 1, male (% of relevant age group)
Ratio of female to male tertiary enrollment (%)

Literacy rate, adult total (% of people ages 15 and above)
Ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education (%)

Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)
Repeaters, primary, female (% of female enrollment)

Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)
Repeaters, primary, male (% of male enrollment)

Literacy rate, youth total (% of people ages 15-24)
School enrollment, preprimary (% gross)

Persistence to last grade of primary, female (% of cohort)
School enrollment, primary (% gross)

Persistence to last grade of primary, male (% of cohort)
School enrollment, primary (% net)

Primary completion rate, female (% of relevant age group)
School enrollment, secondary (% gross)

Primary completion rate, male (% of relevant age group)
School enrollment, secondary (% net)

Primary completion rate, total (% of relevant age group)
School enrollment, tertiary (% gross)

Progression to secondary school, female (%)
Trained teachers in primary education (% of total teachers)

Energy & Mining
Alternative and nuclear energy (% of total energy use)
Energy use (kt of oil equivalent)

Combustible renewables and waste (% of total energy)
Fossil fuel energy consumption (% of total)

Energy imports, net (% of energy use)
GDP per unit of energy use (constant 2005 PPP $ per kg of oil equivalent)

Energy production (kt of oil equivalent)
Pump price for diesel fuel (US$ per liter)

Energy use (kg of oil equivalent per capita)
Pump price for gasoline (US$ per liter)

Environment
Access to electricity (% of population)
Organic water pollutant (BOD) emissions (kg per day)

Agricultural methane emissions (% of total)
Organic water pollutant (BOD) emissions (kg per day per worker)

Agricultural nitrous oxide emissions (% of total)
Other greenhouse gas emissions, HFC, PFC and SF6 (thousand metric tons of CO2 equivalent)

CO2 emissions (kt)
Plant species (higher), threatened

CO2 emissions (metric tons per capita)
Population living in areas where elevation is below 5 meters (% of total population)

Fish species, threatened
Water pollution, chemical industry (% of total BOD emissions)

Forest area (% of land area)
Water pollution, clay and glass industry (% of total BOD emissions)

Forest area (sq. km)
Water pollution, food industry (% of total BOD emissions)

GEF benefits index for biodiversity (0 = no biodiversity potential to 100 = maximum)
Water pollution, metal industry (% of total BOD emissions)

Land area where elevation is below 5 meters (% of total land area)
Water pollution, other industry (% of total BOD emissions)

Mammal species, threatened
Water pollution, paper and pulp industry (% of total BOD emissions)

Marine protected areas (% of territorial waters)
Water pollution, textile industry (% of total BOD emissions)

Methane emissions (kt of CO2 equivalent)
Water pollution, wood industry (% of total BOD emissions)

Nitrous oxide emissions (thousand metric tons of CO2 equivalent)

Financial Sector

Bank capital to assets ratio (%)
Money and quasi money growth (annual %)

Bank nonperforming loans to total gross loans (%)
Net migration

Claims on central government (annual growth as % of broad money)
Portfolio equity, net inflows (BoP, current US$)

Claims on other sectors of the domestic economy (annual growth as % of broad money)
Private credit bureau coverage (% of adults)

Credit depth of information index (0=low to 6=high)
Public credit registry coverage (% of adults)

Deposit interest rate (%)
Real interest rate (%)

Domestic credit provided by banking sector (% of GDP)
Risk premium on lending (prime rate minus treasury bill rate, %)

Foreign direct investment, net inflows (BoP, current US$)
S&P Global Equity Indices (annual % change)

Interest rate spread (lending rate minus deposit rate, %)
Stocks traded, total value (% of GDP)

International migrant stock, total
Stocks traded, turnover ratio (%)

Lending interest rate (%)
Strength of legal rights index (0=weak to 10=strong)

Listed domestic companies, total
Total reserves (includes gold, current US$)

Market capitalization of listed companies (current US$)
Workers’ remittances and compensation of employees, received (current US$)

Market capitalization of listed companies (% of GDP)

Gender
Adolescent fertility rate (births per 1,000 women ages 15-19)
Long-term unemployment, female (% of female unemployment)

Births attended by skilled health staff (% of total)
Long-term unemployment, male (% of male unemployment)

Children out of school, primary, female
Maternal mortality ratio (modeled estimate, per 100,000 live births)

Children out of school, primary, male
Persistence to last grade of primary, female (% of cohort)

Contraceptive prevalence (% of women ages 15-49)
Persistence to last grade of primary, male (% of cohort)

Economically active children, female (% of female children ages 7-14)
Pregnant women receiving prenatal care (%)

Economically active children, male (% of male children ages 7-14)
Prevalence of HIV, female (% ages 15-24)

Economically active children, study and work, female (% of female economically active children, ages 7-14)
Prevalence of HIV, male (% ages 15-24)

Economically active children, study and work, male (% of male economically active children, ages 7-14)
Primary completion rate, female (% of relevant age group)

Economically active children, work only, female (% of female economically active children, ages 7-14)
Primary completion rate, male (% of relevant age group)

Economically active children, work only, male (% of male economically active children, ages 7-14)
Progression to secondary school, female (%)

Employees, agriculture, female (% of female employment)
Progression to secondary school, male (%)

Employees, agriculture, male (% of male employment)
Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%)

Employees, industry, female (% of female employment)
Ratio of female to male primary enrollment (%)

Employees, industry, male (% of male employment)
Ratio of female to male secondary enrollment (%)

Employees, services, female (% of female employment)
Ratio of female to male tertiary enrollment (%)

Employees, services, male (% of male employment)
Ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education (%)

Fertility rate, total (births per woman)
Repeaters, primary, female (% of female enrollment)

Gross intake rate in grade 1, female (% of relevant age group)
Repeaters, primary, male (% of male enrollment)

Gross intake rate in grade 1, male (% of relevant age group)
Share of women employed in the nonagricultural sector (% of total nonagricultural employment)

Labor participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+)
Teenage mothers (% of women ages 15-19 who have had children or are currently pregnant)

Labor participation rate, male (% of male population ages 15+)
Unemployment, female (% of female labor force)

Labor participation rate, total (% of total population ages 15+)
Unemployment, male (% of male labor force)

Life expectancy at birth, female (years)
Unemployment, youth female (% of female labor force ages 15-24)

Life expectancy at birth, male (years)
Unemployment, youth male (% of male labor force ages 15-24)

Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)
Vulnerable employment, female (% of female employment)

Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)
Vulnerable employment, male (% of male employment)

Health
Adolescent fertility rate (births per 1,000 women ages 15-19)
Malnutrition prevalence, weight for age (% of children under 5)

Birth rate, crude (per 1,000 people)
Maternal mortality ratio (modeled estimate, per 100,000 live births)

Births attended by skilled health staff (% of total)
Mortality rate, infant (per 1,000 live births)

Contraceptive prevalence (% of women ages 15-49)
Mortality rate, under-5 (per 1,000)

Death rate, crude (per 1,000 people)
Notified cases of malaria (per 100,000 people)

Fertility rate, total (births per woman)
Out-of-pocket health expenditure (% of private expenditure on health)

Health expenditure per capita (current US$)
Population ages 0-14 (% of total)

Health expenditure, public (% of total health expenditure)
Population ages 15-64 (% of total)

Health expenditure, total (% of GDP)
Population ages 65 and above (% of total)

Immunization, DPT (% of children ages 12-23 months)
Population, female (% of total)

Immunization, measles (% of children ages 12-23 months)
Population growth (annual %)

Improved sanitation facilities (% of population with access)
Population, total

Improved sanitation facilities, urban (% of urban population with access)
Pregnant women receiving prenatal care (%)

Incidence of tuberculosis (per 100,000 people)
Prevalence of HIV, female (% ages 15-24)

Life expectancy at birth, female (years)
Prevalence of HIV, male (% ages 15-24)

Life expectancy at birth, male (years)
Prevalence of HIV, total (% of population ages 15-49)

Life expectancy at birth, total (years)
Teenage mothers (% of women ages 15-19 who have had children or are currently pregnant)

Malnutrition prevalence, height for age (% of children under 5)
Unmet need for contraception (% of married women ages 15-49)

Infrastructure
Air transport, registered carrier departures worldwide
Internet users (per 100 people)

Annual freshwater withdrawals, agriculture (% of total freshwater withdrawal)
Mobile and fixed-line telephone subscribers (per 100 people)

Annual freshwater withdrawals, domestic (% of total freshwater withdrawal)
Mobile cellular subscriptions (per 100 people)

Annual freshwater withdrawals, industry (% of total freshwater withdrawal)
Motor vehicles (per 1,000 people)

Annual freshwater withdrawals, total (billion cubic meters)
Passenger cars (per 1,000 people)

Container port traffic (TEU: 20 foot equivalent units)
Rail lines (total route-km)

Daily newspapers (per 1,000 people)
Renewable internal freshwater resources per capita (cubic meters)

Electric power consumption (kWh per capita)
Renewable internal freshwater resources, total (billion cubic meters)

Fixed broadband Internet subscribers (per 100 people)
Road sector diesel fuel consumption per capita (kt of oil equivalent)

ICT goods exports (% of total goods exports)
Road sector energy consumption (% of total energy consumption)

ICT goods imports (% total goods imports)
Road sector gasoline fuel consumption per capita (kt of oil equivalent)

ICT service exports (% of service exports, BoP)
Roads, paved (% of total roads)

Improved water source, rural (% of rural population with access)
Secure Internet servers (per 1 million people)

Improved water source, urban (% of urban population with access)
Vehicles (per km of road)

Internet users

Labor & Social Protection
Employees, agriculture, female (% of female employment)
Labor participation rate, total (% of total population ages 15+)

Employees, agriculture, male (% of male employment)
Long-term unemployment, female (% of female unemployment)

Employees, industry, female (% of female employment)
Long-term unemployment, male (% of male unemployment)

Employees, industry, male (% of male employment)
Long-term unemployment (% of total unemployment)

Employees, services, female (% of female employment)
Unemployment, female (% of female labor force)

Employees, services, male (% of male employment)
Unemployment, male (% of male labor force)

Employment in agriculture (% of total employment)
Unemployment, total (% of total labor force)

Employment to population ratio, 15+, total (%)
Unemployment, youth female (% of female labor force ages 15-24)

GDP per person employed (constant 1990 PPP $)
Unemployment, youth male (% of male labor force ages 15-24)

Labor force, total
Vulnerable employment, female (% of female employment)

Labor participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+)
Vulnerable employment, male (% of male employment)

Labor participation rate, male (% of male population ages 15+)
Vulnerable employment, total (% of total employment)

Poverty
Income share held by fourth 20%
Poverty gap at national poverty line (%)

Income share held by highest 10%
Poverty gap at rural poverty line (%)

Income share held by highest 20%
Poverty gap at urban poverty line (%)

Income share held by lowest 10%
Poverty headcount ratio at $1.25 a day (PPP) (% of population)

Income share held by lowest 20%
Poverty headcount ratio at $2 a day (PPP) (% of population)

Income share held by second 20%
Poverty headcount ratio at national poverty line (% of population)

Income share held by third 20%
Poverty headcount ratio at rural poverty line (% of rural population)

Poverty gap at $1.25 a day (PPP) (%)
Poverty headcount ratio at urban poverty line (% of urban population)

Poverty gap at $2 a day (PPP) (%)

Private Sector
Average number of times firms spent in meetings with tax officials
ISO certification ownership (% of firms)

Documents to export (number)
Lead time to export, median case (days)

Documents to import (number)
Lead time to import, median case (days)

Domestic credit to private sector (% of GDP)
Logistics performance index: Overall (1=low to 5=high)

Ease of doing business index (1=most business-friendly regulations)
Merchandise trade (% of GDP)

Export value index (2000 = 100)
Net barter terms of trade index (2000 = 100)

Export volume index (2000 = 100)
New businesses registered (number)

Firms using banks to finance investment (% of firms)
Start-up procedures to register a business (number)

Import value index (2000 = 100)
Tax payments (number)

Import volume index (2000 = 100)
Time required to start a business (days)

Informal payments to public officials (% of firms)
Time to prepare and pay taxes (hours)

Investment in energy with private participation (current US$)
Time to resolve insolvency (years)

Investment in telecoms with private participation (current US$)
Total tax rate (% of commercial profits)

Investment in transport with private participation (current US$)
Trade in services (% of GDP)

Investment in water and sanitation with private participation (current US$)
Value lost due to electrical outages (% of sales)

Public Sector
Cash surplus/deficit (% of GDP)
Military expenditure (% of central government expenditure)

Central government debt, total (% of GDP)
Military expenditure (% of GDP)

CPIA economic management cluster average (1=low to 6=high)
Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%)

CPIA policies for social inclusion/equity cluster average (1=low to 6=high)
Revenue, excluding grants (% of GDP)

CPIA public sector management and institutions cluster average (1=low to 6=high)
Tax payments (number)

CPIA structural policies cluster average (1=low to 6=high)
Tax revenue (% of GDP)

Expense (% of GDP)
Time to prepare and pay taxes (hours)

IDA resource allocation index (1=low to 6=high)
Total tax rate (% of commercial profits)

Science & Technology
High-technology exports (current US$)
Royalty and license fees, payments (BoP, current US$)

High-technology exports (% of manufactured exports)
Royalty and license fees, receipts (BoP, current US$)

Patent applications, nonresidents
Scientific and technical journal articles

Patent applications, residents
Technicians in R&D (per million people)

Research and development expenditure (% of GDP)
Trademark applications, direct nonresident

Researchers in R&D (per million people)
Trademark applications, direct resident

Social Development
Adolescent fertility rate (births per 1,000 women ages 15-19)
Prevalence of HIV, male (% ages 15-24)

Economically active children, female (% of female children ages 7-14)
Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments (%)

Economically active children, male (% of male children ages 7-14)
Ratio of female to male primary enrollment (%)

Economically active children, study and work, female (% of female economically active children, ages 7-14)
Ratio of female to male secondary enrollment (%)

Economically active children, study and work, male (% of male economically active children, ages 7-14)
Ratio of female to male tertiary enrollment (%)

Economically active children, total (% of children ages 7-14)
Ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education (%)

Economically active children, work only, female (% of female economically active children, ages 7-14)
Refugee population by country or territory of asylum

Economically active children, work only, male (% of male economically active children, ages 7-14)
Refugee population by country or territory of origin

Labor participation rate, female (% of female population ages 15+)
Share of women employed in the nonagricultural sector (% of total nonagricultural employment)

Labor participation rate, male (% of male population ages 15+)
Unemployment, female (% of female labor force)

Life expectancy at birth, female (years)
Unemployment, male (% of male labor force)

Life expectancy at birth, male (years)
Vulnerable employment, female (% of female employment)

Prevalence of HIV, female (% ages 15-24)
Vulnerable employment, male (% of male employment)

Urban Development
Improved sanitation facilities, urban (% of urban population with access)
Pump price for diesel fuel (US$ per liter)

Improved water source, urban (% of urban population with access)
Pump price for gasoline (US$ per liter)

Motor vehicles (per 1,000 people)
Road sector diesel fuel consumption per capita (kt of oil equivalent)

Passenger cars (per 1,000 people)
Road sector energy consumption (% of total energy consumption)

PM10, country level (micrograms per cubic meter)
Road sector gasoline fuel consumption per capita (kt of oil equivalent)

Population in the largest city (% of urban population)
Urban population

Population in urban agglomerations of more than 1 million (% of total population)
Urban population (% of total)

Poverty gap at urban poverty line (%)
Vehicles (per km of road)

Poverty headcount ratio at urban poverty line (% of urban population)

2. CONCEPT OF UNDER-DEVELOPMENT, ITS INDICATORS AND MEASUREMENT USING VARIOUS PERSPERTIVE OF THE LIBERAL AND MAXISM ORIENTATIONS;
Underdevelopment is a term often used to refer to economic underdevelopment, symptoms of which include lack of access to job opportunities, health care, drinkable water, food, education and housing. At the 1948 Conference of FAO the term was already current.
Overview
Underdevelopment takes place when resources are not used to their full socio-economic potential, with the result that local or regional development is slower in most cases than it should be. Furthermore, it results from the complex interplay of internal and external factors that allow less developed countries only a lop-sided development progression. Underdeveloped nations are characterized by a wide disparity between their rich and poor populations, and an unhealthy balance of trade.
Extended overview
The economic and social development of many developing countries has not been even. They have an unequal trade balance which results from their dependence upon primary products (usually only a handful) for their export receipts. These commodities are often (a) in limited demand in the industrialized countries (for example: tea, coffee, sugar, cocoa, bananas); (b) vulnerable to replacement by synthetic substitutes (jute, cotton, etc.); or (c) are experiencing shrinking demand with the evolution of new technologies that require smaller quantities of raw materials (as is the case with many metals). Prices cannot be raised as this simply hastens the use of replacement synthetics or alloys, nor can production be expanded as this rapidly depresses prices. Consequently, the primary commodities upon which most of the developing countries depend are subject to considerable short-term price fluctuation, rendering the foreign exchange receipts of the developing nations unstable and vulnerable. Development thus remains elusive.

History
The world consists of a group of rich nations and a large number of poor nations. It is usually held that economic development takes place in a series of capitalist stages and that today’s underdeveloped countries are still in a stage of history through which the now developed countries passed long ago. The countries that are now fully developed have never been underdeveloped in the first place, though they might have been undeveloped.
Examples of Underdeveloped Countries and Regions

Political map as the Human Development Index.
1. Africa
Africa is the second-largest continent on the planet (after Asia) in both land area and population—with more than 800 million people living in fifty-four countries. With a total land area of more than 30,221,532 km2 (11,668,599 sq mi), Africa accounts for 20% of the land on the planet; its population accounts for one-seventh of the population of earth. It is also the most underdeveloped continent. The explanation for the origins of Africa’s severe underdevelopment is explained by history and much of Africa’s poor performance can be characterized by over 400 years of slave raiding. Slavery has resulted in regional communities and many nations to be both politically and ethnically fragmented. Trade has caused political instability, meaning both political and social unrest leaving a community unfits for pursuing economic development and planning for the future economy of the country. If the slave trades had not occurred, then 72% of the average income gap between Africa and the rest of the world would not exist today.

2. Afghanistan
Afghanistan is bordered on the north by Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, on the extreme northeast by China, on the east and south by Pakistan, and by Iran on the west. The country is split east to west by the Hindu Kush mountain range, rising in the east to heights of 24,000 ft (7,315 m). Afghanistan’s GDP for 2009 was $23.3 billion and annual per capita $800. In 2008 Unemployment was at 35% having a labor force of 15 million split between agriculture 80%, industry 10% and services 10%. Afghanistan’ underdevelopment has been fuelled by an ineffective trade policy meaning products are inefficiently traded and little economic growth is gained. This lack of trade agreements has been created due to pervasive political and military corruption and cultural and religious unrest leaving the country broken and the economy shattered. Gross domestic product had fallen significantly because of loss of labor and capital and disruption of trade and transport. Continuing internal conflict disadvantaged both domestic efforts at reconstruction as well as international aid efforts. The country today however is beginning to make some progress.
3. Latin America
Latin America, as it is most commonly thought as, is made up of the South American nations where the language is derived from Latin, including Spanish, Portuguese and French languages. Latin America is one of the most underdeveloped regions in the world due to their annual per capita income being less than 1,000 USD. Their life expectancies are twenty years less than the developed world as well as infant mortality rates being very high. Malnourishment, homelessness and unemployment are very common in this region as the countries are poor and backward having many communities filled with poverty. Latin America has suffered due to overpopulation, having no capacity to manage the people their situation has only become worse, with increased poverty and homelessness.
Latin America has faced many set backs in their battle for economic development – these included Civil wars, military dictator ships, USA invasions and the rise of the left and centre left governments. Underdevelopment of Latin America has been influenced by the oppression of small countries by their large neighbours and by the exploitation of big cities and ports for the internal sources of food and labour. There have been many negative effects of free trade policies from the 19th Century preventing the development of a national industry and the lack of a strong national wage earning class. The backwardness and poverty of these nations is due to the failure to be economically dependant.
4. South Africa
It is argued that South Africa’s … dualist qualities of a 1st & 2nd economy. The 1st (wealth producing sector) being one that is integrated in the global economy through modern industrialization, mining, agricultural & financial services, and the 2nd a structural manifestation of jimbobway land, underdevelopment & marginalization. With indicators such as GDP/capita at PPP of $11 240 in 2001, placing it as one the 50th wealthiest countries in the world , and on the other hand social indicators that rank it 111th in terms of HDI for the same year.
Some of the causality of the underdevelopment is attributed to the institutionalized apartheid practices in South African politics, society and economics. The reforms that were introduced in 1994 have furthered the increase of inequality and uneven wealth distribution in the nation. As “Hoogeveen and O¨ zler (2005: 15) conclude that ‘Growth has not been pro-poor in South Africa as a whole, and in the instances when poverty declined for certain subgroups, the distributional shifts were still not pro-poor’.” Through the notion of adverse inclusion versus social exclusion du Toit draws attention to the fact that the present dynamics of the nation are not simply a result of being left out of mainstream economy, rather from the terms under which individuals are incorporated, . The individuals who find themselves incorporated are often not those that make up the majority of the population that lives in considerably unfavorable conditions.

THEORIES
1. Modernization Theory
Modernization theory is a socio-economic theory, also known as the Development theory. This highlights the positive role played by the developed world in modernizing and facilitating sustainable development in underdeveloped nations. It is often contrasted with Dependency theory.

The theory of modernization consists of three parts:
• Identification of types of societies, and explanation of how those designated as modernized or relatively modernized differ from others;
• Specification of how societies become modernized, comparing factors that are more or less conducive to transformation.
• Generalizations about how the parts of a modernized society fit together, involving comparisons of stages of modernization and types of modernized societies with clarity about prospects for further modernization.

2. Dependency Theory
Dependency theory is the body of theories by various intellectuals, both from the Third World and the First World, that suggest that the wealthy nations of the world need a peripheral group of poorer states in order to remain wealthy. Dependency theory states that the poverty of the countries in the periphery is not because they are not integrated into the world system, but because of how they are integrated into the system.
These poor nations provide natural resources, cheap labor, a destination for obsolete technology, and markets to the wealthy nations, without which they could not have the standard of living they enjoy. First world nations actively, but not necessarily consciously, perpetuate a state of dependency through various policies and initiatives. This state of dependency is multifaceted, involving economics, media control, politics, banking and finance, education, sport and all aspects of human resource development. Any attempt by the dependent nations to resist the influences of dependency could result in economic sanctions and/or military invasion and control. This is rare, however, and dependency is enforced far more by the wealthy nations setting the rules of international trade and commerce.
Dependency theory first emerged in the 1950s, advocated by Raul Prebisch whose research found that the wealth of poor nations tended to decrease when the wealth of rich nations increased. The theory quickly divided into diverse schools. Some, most notably Andre Gunder Frank, adapted it to Marxism. “Standard” dependency theory differs sharply from Marxism, however, arguing against internationalism and any hope of progress in less developed nations towards industrialization and a liberating revolution. Former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso wrote extensively on dependency theory while in political exile. The American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein refined the Marxist aspect of the theory, and called it the “world system.”
According to Brazilian social scientist, Theotonio Dos Santos, dependence means a situation in which certain countries economies’ are conditioned by the development & expansion of another to which the former is subject. He goes on to further clarify that the interdependence of two or more economies, and consequently world trade, assumes the form of dependence when dominant countries can create dependency only as a reflection of that expansion, which can have a negative effect on the subordinate’s immediate economy.
INDICATORS OF UNDER-DEVELOPMENT;
These are indicators which tell you that an area is not developing or growing in terms of per capital income. You can say it is the opposite of the indicators of development.
3. THE CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION; ITS DEFINITIONS, EMERGENCE, STRATEGIES AND APPROACHES.
Development administration is concerned with plans, policies, programmes and projects which focus on nation building and socio-economic development. It aims to achieve socio-economic goals through the talents and expertise of bureaucrats.

Development administration focuses on the results to be achieved rather than the traditionalist view of strict adherence to rules and hierarchy. Strict adherence to rules creates rigidness, delay and procrastination.
• Development per se is oriented towards change in a destined direction. Thus, development administration is change oriented and rejects status quo.
• Every development functions have a goal to be achieved. i.e Economic Development has the goal to improve the quality of life such as better literacy rate, life expectancy and reduction in poverty rates.
• For the goals to be achieved, to relate the means to ends, planning and temporal dimension is a salient feature. Planning aids in deciding the resource required for the goal, the time in which it needs to achieve.
• Development administration has an innovative dimension; it is flexible enough to design new methods, procedures, policies which would save time, increase effectiveness and quality.
• Administrators under this concept are required to be committed to the policies, plans and programmes. The commitment is not necessarily to the political parties, who enacts the policies but to the values that an administrator should upheld in his/her profession.
• Development is ultimately aimed to the people, hence it should accord primacy to the public the administration should be client oriented.
• For the development functions to be effective and for it to be people oriented, participation of people is emphasized in formulating plans, implementation and sharing the benefits derived. Thus Development administration should focus on “planning with people” rather than “planning for people”. It should be people centered rather than production centered. i.e. not in maximizing production, goods and services but to address the needs of people, empower people.

Development administration has two concepts administration of development and administrative development. Administrative development is increasing and improving the capabilities of administrative system. It involves modernization of administrative structure, capabilities of personnel, attitudinal and behavioral changes among the administrators.

4. SOME SELECTED THEORIES IN DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;

I. THE LAISSEZ-FAIRE THEORY;
In economics, laissez-faire (English pronunciation: /ˌlɛseɪˈfɛər/ French: [lɛsefɛʁ] is an environment in which transactions between private parties are free from state intervention, including regulations, taxes, tariffs and enforced monopolies. The phrase laissez-faire is French and literally means “let do”, but it broadly implies “let it be”, or “leave it alone.” A laissez-faire state and completely free market has never existed, though the degree of government regulation varies considerably.

Origins of the phrase
According to historical legend, the phrase stems from a meeting in about 1680 between the powerful French finance minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert and a group of French businessmen led by a certain M. Le Gendre. When the eager mercantilist minister asked how the French state could be of service to the merchants and help promote their commerce, Le Gendre replied simply “Laissez-nous faire” (“Leave us be”, lit. “Let us do”).
The anecdote on the Colbert-Le Gendre meeting was related in a 1751 article in the Journal Oeconomique by the French minister and champion of free trade, René de Voyer, Marquis d’Argenson—which happens to also be the phrase’s first known appearance in print. Argenson himself had used the phrase earlier (1736) in his own diaries, in a famous outburst:
Laissez faire, telle devrait être la devise de toute puissance publique, depuis que le monde est civilisé … Détestable principe que celui de ne vouloir grandir que par l’abaissement de nos voisins! Il n’y a que la méchanceté et la malignité du coeur de satisfaites dans ce principe, et l’intérêt y est opposé. Laissez faire, morbleu! Laissez faire!! (Trans: “Leave it be, that should be the motto of all public powers, as the world is civilized … That we cannot grow except by lowering our neighbors is a detestable notion! Only malice and malignity of heart is satisfied with such a principle and our (national) interest is opposed to it. Leave it be, for heaven’s sake! Leave it be!)
The laissez faire slogan was popularized by Vincent de Gournay, a French intendant of commerce in the 1750s. Gournay was an ardent proponent of the removal of restrictions on trade and the deregulation of industry in France. Gournay was delighted by the Colbert-LeGendre anecdote, and forged it into a larger maxim all his own: “Laissez faire et laissez passer” (‘Let do and let pass’). His motto has also been identified as the longer “Laissez faire et laissez passer, le monde va de lui même!” (“Let do and let pass, the world goes on by itself!”). Although Gournay left no written tracts on his economic policy ideas, he had immense personal influence on his contemporaries, notably the Physiocrats, who credit both the laissez-faire slogan and the doctrine to Gournay.
Before d’Argenson or Gournay, P.S. de Boisguilbert had enunciated the phrase “on laisse faire la nature” (‘let nature run its course’). D’Argenson himself, during his life, was better known for the similar but less-celebrated motto “Pas trop gouverner” (“Govern not too much”). But it was Gournay’s use of the ‘laissez-faire’ phrase (as popularized by the Physiocrats) that gave it its cachet.
In England, a number of “free trade” and “non-interference” slogans had been coined already during the 17th century. But the French phrase laissez faire gained currency in English-speaking countries with the spread of Physiocratic literature in the late 18th century. The Colbert-LeGendre anecdote was relayed in George Whatley’s 1774 Principles of Trade (co-authored with Benjamin Franklin) – which may be the first appearance of the phrase in an English language publication.
Notably, classical economists, such as Thomas Malthus, Adam Smith[10] and David Ricardo, did not use the phrase. Jeremy Bentham used the term, but it was probably James Mill’s reference to the “laissez-faire” maxim (together with “pas trop gouverner”) in an 1824 entry for the Encyclopædia Britannica that really brought the term into wider English usage. With the advent of the Anti-Corn Law League, the term received much of its (English) meaning.
Adam Smith first used the metaphor of an “invisible hand” in his book The Theory of Moral Sentiments to describe the unintentional effects of economic self organization from economic self interest. Some have characterized this metaphor as one for laissez-faire, but Smith never actually used the term himself.

II. POPULATION THEORIES;
A population is all the organisms that both belong to the same group or species and live in the same geographical area. In sociology, population refers to a collection of human beings. Demography is a social science which entails the statistical study of human populations. This article refers mainly to human population. There exist numerous population theories which includes;
The Population reduction theory states that there is a plan to depopulate the world through genocide following the basic thesis of National Security Study Memorandum 200.
The Reverend Thomas Robert Malthus FRS (13 or 14 February 1766 – 23 or 29 December 1834) was an English scholar, influential in political economy and demography. Malthus popularized the economic theory of rent.
According to Malthusian theory of population, population increases in a geometrical ratio, whereas food supply increases in an arithmetic ratio.
This disharmony would lead to widespread poverty and starvation, which would only be checked by natural occurrences such as disease, high infant mortality, famine, war or moral restraint. His main contribution is in the agricultural sector. According to this theory there are two steps to control the population: preventative and positive checks. Preventative means control in birth rate, and uses of different methods to control birth; and positive checks means natural calamities, war, etc.

His theory was wrong because Malthus only considered two factors when he established his basic graph: food supply and population growth. Other factors such as improvements in technology proved him wrong. He was right at his time but development made him wrong. If it wasn’t for outside influences on population growth and food supply, his mathematical reasoning which proved his theory and was right.
Malthus has become widely known for his theories about population and its increase or decrease in response to various factors. The six editions of his An Essay on the Principle of Population, published from 1798 to 1826, observed that sooner or later population gets checked by famine and disease.
Population genetics is the study of allele frequency distribution and change under the influence of the four main evolutionary processes: natural selection, genetic drift, mutation and gene flow. It also takes into account the factors of recombination, population subdivision and population structure. It attempts to explain such phenomena as adaptation and speciation
In ecology, r/K selection theory relates to the selection of combinations of traits in an organism that trade off between quantity or quality of offspring. The focus upon either increased quantity of offspring at the expense of individual parental investment, or reduced quantity of offspring with a corresponding increased parental investment, is varied to promote success in particular environments. The theory was popular in the 1970s and 1980s when it was used as a heuristic device, but lost importance in the early 1990s as it was criticized by several empirical studies.The r/K selection paradigm has been replaced by a “life-history” paradigm. However, this continues to incorporate many of the themes important to the r/K paradigm.
The terminology of r/K-selection was coined by the ecologists Robert MacArthur and E. O. Wilson based on their work on island biogeography.
III. MARXIAN THEORY OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT;
Marxist views
Another strand of opposition to Malthus’s ideas started in the middle of the 19th century with the writings of Friedrich Engels (Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy, 1844) and Karl Marx (Capital, 1867). Engels and Marx argued that what Malthus saw as the problem of the pressure of population on the means of production actually represented the pressure of the means of production on population. They thus viewed it in terms of their concept of the reserve army of labour. In other words, the seeming excess of population that Malthus attributed to the seemingly innate disposition of the poor to reproduce beyond their means actually emerged as a product of the very dynamic of capitalist economy.
Engels called Malthus’s hypothesis “…the crudest, most barbarous theory that ever existed, a system of despair which struck down all those beautiful phrases about love thy neighbour and world citizenship.” Engels also predicted that science would solve the problem of an adequate food supply.
In the Marxist tradition, Lenin sharply criticized Malthusian theory and its neo-Malthusian version, calling it a “reactionary doctrine” and “an attempt on the part of bourgeois ideologists to exonerate capitalism and to prove the inevitability of privation and misery for the working class under any social system”.

5. THE STATE AND DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRACTION;
These simply entails the process whereby the state inculcates development needs into the developmental psychic of it developmental phase.
6. INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES IN DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;
These are structures that are needed in the course of developmental administration. They are measurements used or put in place to aid the developmental process in administration.
7. THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS IN DEVELOPMENT;
These simply entail the need for political stability which is devoid of any rancour or bitterness in order to aid development. If there is stability in a political environment, the rate of development would be faster.
8. DEVELOPMENT PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;
These are two different concepts which entail developmental processes. Development planning can be describe as a process of outline in details before hand the developmental needs and challenges of developmental planning in an area. While development administration simply entails the development of the administrative periphery.
9. DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION AND THE PRIVATE SECTOR;
These simply entail the need to put in place certain measures necessary in the administrative area in order to allow for private sector participation.
10. THE EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENTS OF DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION;
These entails providing an enabling environment needed for development in the administrative periphery.
(PART 1)
-GLOBALISATION;
Globalization (or Globalization) refers to the increasingly global relationships of culture, people, and economic activity. It is generally used to refer to economic globalization: the global distribution of the production of goods and services, through reduction of barriers to international trade such as tariffs, export fees, and import quotas and the reduction of restrictions on the movement of capital and on investment. Globalization may contribute to economic growth in developed and developing countries through increased specialization and the principle of comparative advantage.The term can also refer to the transnational circulation of ideas, languages, and popular culture.
Critics of globalization allege that globalization’s benefits have been overstated and its costs underestimated. Critics argue that it has decreased inter-cultural contact while increasing the possibility of international and intra-national conflict.
Overview
The term was first employed in a publication entitled Towards New Education in 1930, to denote a holistic view of human experience in education. The related term ‘corporate giants’ was coined by Charles Taze Russell in 1897, to describe the largely national trusts and other large enterprises of the time. By the 1960s both terms began to be used synonymously by economists and other social scientists. The term reached the mainstream press in the later half of the 1980s. Since its inception, the concept of globalization has inspired competing definitions and interpretations, with antecedents dating back to the great movements of trade and empire across Asia and the Indian Ocean from the 15th century onwards.
The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia defines globalization as:
“a widely-used term that can be defined in a number of different ways. When used in an economic context, it refers to the reduction and removal of barriers between national borders in order to facilitate the flow of goods, capital, services and labour… although considerable barriers remain to the flow of labour… Globalization is not a new phenomenon. It began towards the end of the nineteenth century, but it slowed down during the period from the start of the First World War until the third quarter of the twentieth century. This slowdown can be attributed to the inward-looking policies pursued by a number of countries in order to protect their respective industries… however, the pace of globalization picked up rapidly during the fourth quarter of the twentieth century…”
Tom G. Palmer of the Cato Institute defines globalization as “the diminution or elimination of state-enforced restrictions on exchanges across borders and the increasingly integrated and complex global system of production and exchange that has emerged as a result.”
Thomas L. Friedman popularized the term “flat world”, arguing that globalized trade, outsourcing, supply-chaining, and political forces had permanently changed the world, for better and worse. He asserted that the pace of globalization was quickening and that its impact on business organization and practice would continue to grow.
Takis Fotopoulos defined “economic globalization” as the opening and deregulation of commodity, capital and labour markets which led to the present neoliberal globalization. “Political globalization” named the emergence of a transnational elite and the phasing out of the nation-state. “Cultural globalization” was the worldwide homogenization of culture. Other elements included “ideological globalization”, “technological globalization” and “social globalization”.
In 2000 the IMF identified four basic aspects of globalization:
• Trade and transactions: Developing countries increased their share of world trade, from 19 percent in 1971 to 29 percent in 1999. But there is great variation among the major regions. For instance, the newly industrialized economies (NIEs) of Asia prospered, while African countries as a whole performed poorly. The makeup of a country’s exports is an important indicator for success. Manufactured goods exports soared, dominated by developed countries and NIEs. Commodity exports, such as food and raw materials were often produced by developing countries: commodities’ share of total exports declined over the period.
• Capital and investment movements: Private capital flows to developing countries soared during the 1990s, replacing “aid” or development assistance which fell significantly after the early 1980s. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) became the most important category. Both portfolio investment and bank credit rose but they have been more volatile, falling sharply in the wake of the financial crisis of the late 1990s.
• Migration and movement of people: In the period between 1965–90, the proportion of the labor forces migrating approximately doubled. Most migration occurred between developing countries and Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The flow of migrants to advanced economic countries was claimed to provide a means through which global wages converge. They noted the potential for skills to be transferred back to developing countries as wages in those a countries rise.
• Dissemination of knowledge (and technology): Information and technology exchange is an integral aspect of globalization. Technological innovations (or technological transfer) benefit most the developing and Least Developing countries (LDCs), as for example the advent of mobile phones.
History
: History of globalization

Extent of the Silk Road and Spice trade routes blocked by the Ottoman Empire in 1453 spurring exploration
The historical origins of globalization remain subject to debate. Though in common usage it refers to the period beginning in the 1970s, some scholars regard it as having an ancient history that encompasses all international activity.[12]

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

VALENTINE C. UWAKWE, is indeed a prolific writer who is widely acknowledge for his wisdom and knowledge in the academic
Field. A graduate of geography & environmental management,
University of portharcourt, he is the director of operations-
Hyattration System. This masterpiece was propel for a deep desire
for success in all academic students in the department of political science.
Exciting wide of topics and literatures to read free are deposited
In his internet back bites;
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He can be contacted via +23408033559733, +447024073836
and through mail; valentine202@yahoo.com and hyattrations@yahoo.com

POLITICAL PARTIES AND PRESSURE GROUPS; POL 454.1


COURSE OUTLINE
UNIT 1
(BASIC CONCEPT)
1. Politics
2. Political
3. Authority
4. Legitimacy
5. Government
6. Ideology
7. Political parties & pressure groups

UNIT 2
1. Origin of politics parties
2. Types of political parties
3. Structure of political parties
4. Party membership
5. Party organization

UNIT 3

1. Political culture and democracy in Nigeria
2. Types of political culture
3. Content and component of political culture

UNIT 4
1. Political participation in Nigeria
2. Forms of political participation
3. Important of political participation
4. Instigating variables
5. Benefits of political participation
6. Women & political participation
7. Election & electoral democracy

UNIT 5
1. Democracy & system of democracy

UNIT 6
1. Pressure groups politics

PREFACE

The writing and compilation of this work is indeed a master piece. I took my time to preview this work and sincerely believe is what all final year students as well as beginners and would be political scientist in the department of political science here in the University of Portharcourt needed. The work comprises of all the topics and course outline in the course of study for final year students. The writer took time and previous moments to do a thorough work here of which am highly impress. No doubt, the writer is still one of the best in this field.
I highly recommend this hand piece for all students. Here at joecrack concept, shopping complex choba-portharcourt we are indeed happy to have the writer work with us as he is one of the best in his field.

DR. V.WELI
Dept of Geography
Environmental Mgt,
UNIPORT.

UNIT 1
1. POLITICS
Politics (from Greek politikos “of, for, or relating to citizens”) as a term is generally applied to the art or science of running governmental or state affairs, including behavior within civil governments, but also applies to institutions, fields, and special interest groups such as the corporate, academic, and religious segments of society. It consists of “social relations involving authority or power” and to the methods and tactics used to formulate and apply policy.
Modern political discourse focuses on democracy and the relationship between people and politics. It is thought of as the way we “choose government officials and make decisions about public policy”.
The word politics comes from the Greek word Πολιτικά (politika), modeled on Aristotle’s “affairs of the city”, the name of his book on governing and governments, which was rendered in English mid-15 century as Latinized “Polettiques”. Thus it became “politics” in Middle English c. 1520s (see the Concise Oxford Dictionary). The singular politic first attested in English 1430 and comes from Middle French politique, in turn from Latin politicus, which is the latinisation of the Greek πολιτικός (politikos), meaning amongst others “of, for, or relating to citizens”, “civil”, “civic”, “belonging to the state in turn from πολίτης (polites), “citizen” and that from πόλις (polis), “city”.

2. POLITICAL
This is a term that is associated with basic universal principles, ideals and forms.

3. AUTHORITY
The word authority is derived from the Latin word auctoritas, meaning invention, advice, opinion, influence, or command. In English, the word authority can be used to mean power given by the state (in the form of Members of Parliament, Judges, Police Officers, etc.) or by academic knowledge of an area (someone can be an authority on a subject). The word Authority with capital A refers to the governing body upon which such authority (with lower case a) is vested; for example, the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority or the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority.

Authority in philosophy
In government, the term authority is often used interchangeably with power. However, their meanings differ: while power is defined as “the ability to influence somebody to do something that he/she would not have done”, authority refers to a claim of legitimacy, the justification and right to exercise that power. For example, while a mob has the power to punish a criminal, for example by lynching, people who believe in the rule of law consider that only a court of law has the authority to punish a criminal.
Since the emergence of social sciences, authority has been a subject of research in a variety of empirical settings: the family (parental authority), small groups (informal authority of leadership), intermediate organizations, such as schools, churches, armies, industries and bureaucracies (organizational and bureaucratic authorities) and society-wide or inclusive organizations, ranging from the most primitive tribal society to the modern nation-state and intermediate organization (political authority). The definition of authority in contemporary social science is a matter of debate. According to Michaels, in the Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, authority is the capacity, innate or acquired for exercising ascendancy over a group. Other scientists argue that authority is not a capacity but a relationship. It is sanctioned power, institutionalized power.
In religion, there is a tendency to act in the belief that what will result will be different than what would have happened had a subservient act (e.g. prayer, meditation, service to others, etc.) not been performed- this is the essence of exercised authority or benign/gentle domination. What one does in expectation of meeting with the approval of the divine is derived from some means of obtained faith- the expression of authority. The faith comes by being affected by the authoritative direction of the divine, doing what is authorized. Authoritative sources in religion communicate their direction through commandments and/or expressed approval of behaviour deemed to be acceptable or beneficial, with the expectation that the subject of this didactic process will use wisdom and understanding in their actions of service.

4. LEGITIMACY
In political science, legitimacy is the popular acceptance of a governing law or régime as an authority. Whereas “authority” denotes a specific position in an established government, the term “legitimacy” denotes a system of government — wherein “government” denotes “sphere of influence”. Political legitimacy is considered a basic condition for governing, without which a government will suffer legislative deadlock(s) and collapse. In political systems where this is not the case, unpopular régimes survive because they are considered legitimate by a small, influential élite.
In Chinese political philosophy, since the historical period of the Zhou Dynasty (1046–256 BC), the political legitimacy of a ruler and government was derived from the Mandate of Heaven, and that unjust rulers who lose said mandate, therefore lose the right to rule the people.
The Enlightenment-era British social theoretician John Locke said that political legitimacy derives from popular explicit and implicit consent: “The argument of the [Second] Treatise is that the government is not legitimate unless it is carried on with the consent of the governed.”The German political philosopher Dolf Sternberger said, “Legitimacy is the foundation of such governmental power as is exercised, both with a consciousness on the government’s part that it has a right to govern, and with some recognition by the governed of that right.”The American political sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset said that legitimacy also “involves the capacity of a political system to engender and maintain the belief that existing political institutions are the most appropriate and proper ones for the society.”The American political theorist Robert A. Dahl explained legitimacy as a reservoir; so long as the water is at a given level, political stability is maintained, if it falls below the required level, political legitimacy is endangered.
In moral philosophy, the term “legitimacy” often is positively interpreted as the normative status conferred by a governed people upon their governors’ institutions, offices, and actions, based upon the belief that their government’s actions are appropriate uses of power by a legally constituted government.
In law, “legitimacy” is distinguished from “legality” (see colour of law), to establish that a government action can be legal whilst not being legitimate, e.g. a police search without proper warrant; conversely, a government action can be legitimate without being legal, e.g. a pre-emptive war, a military junta. An example of such matters arises when legitimate institutions clash in a constitutional crisis.
Types of legitimacy
Theocracy: Egyptian divine authority, Horus as a falcon.

Theocracy: The coat of arms of the Holy See, the seat of Papal government.
Legitimacy is “a value whereby something or someone is recognized and accepted as right and proper”. In political science, legitimacy usually is understood as the popular acceptance and recognition, by the public, of the authority of a governing régime, whereby authority has political power through consent and mutual understandings, not coercion. The three types of political legitimacy are: traditional, charismatic, and rational-legal.
I. Traditional legitimacy derives from societal custom and habit that emphasize the history of the authority of tradition. Traditionalists understand this form of rule as historically accepted, hence its continuity, because it is the way society has always been. Therefore, the institutions of traditional government usually are historically continuous, as in monarchy and tribalism.
II. Charismatic legitimacy derives from the ideas and personal charisma of the leader, a man or woman whose authoritative persona charms and psychologically dominates the people of the society to agreement with the government’s régime and rule. A charismatic government usually features weak political and administrative institutions, because they derive authority from the persona of The Leader, and usually disappear without him or her in power. Yet, a government derived from charismatic legitimacy might continue if the charismatic leader has a successor.
III. Rational-legal legitimacy derives from a system of institutional procedure, wherein government institutions establish and enforce law and order in the public interest. Therefore, it is through public trust that the government will abide the law that confers rational-legal legitimacy.
Forms of legitimacy
Numinous legitimacy
In a theocracy, government legitimacy derives from the spiritual authority of a god or a goddess.
• In Ancient Egypt (ca. 3150 BC) the legitimacy of the dominion of a Pharaoh (god–king) was theologically established by doctrine that posited the pharaoh as the Egyptian patron god Horus, son of Osiris.
• In the Roman Catholic Church, the priesthood derives its legitimacy from a divine source; the Church doctrines establish that the papacy based upon Jesus Christ’s designation of St. Peter as head of the earthly church, thus the sanctity and legitimacy of each pope.
Civil legitimacy
The political legitimacy of a civil government derives from agreement among the autonomous constituent institutions —legislative, judicial, executive — combined for the national common good; legitimate government office as a public trust, is expressed by means of public elections.Sources of legitimacy

Mattei Dogan
Max Weber: societies are politically cyclical.

The German economist and sociologist Max Weber identified three sources of political legitimacy.
• Charismatic authority derived from the leader’s charisma, based upon the perception that he or she possesses supernatural attributes, e.g. a clan chieftain, a priestess, or an ayatollah.
• Traditional authority derived from tradition, wherein the governed populace accept that form of government as legitimate because of its longevity by customs, e.g. monarchy.
• Rational–legal authority derived from the popular perception that the government’s power derives from established law and custom (a political constitution), e.g. representative democracy.
Moreover, like the British philosopher Thomas Hobbes, Weber proposed that societies behave cyclically in governing themselves with different types of governmental legitimacy. That democracy was unnecessary for establishing legitimacy, a condition that can be established with codified laws, customs, and cultural principles, not by means of popular suffrage. That a society might decide to revert from the legitimate government of a rational–legal authority to the charismatic government of a leader, e.g. the Nazi Germany of Adolf Hitler, Fascist Italy under Benito Mussolini, and fascist Spain under General Francisco Franco.
The French political scientist Mattei Dogan’s contemporary interpretation of Max Weber’s types of political legitimacy (traditional, charismatic, legal-rational) proposes that they are conceptually insufficient to comprehend the complex relationships that constitute a legitimate political system in the twenty-first century. Moreover Prof. Dogan proposed that traditional authority and charismatic authority are obsolete as forms of contemporary government, e.g. the Islamic Republic of Iran (est. 1979) rule by means of the priestly Koranic interpretations by the Ayatollah Khomeini. That traditional authority has disappeared in the Middle East; that the rule-proving exceptions are Islamic Iran and Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, the third Weber type of political legitimacy, rational–legal authority exists in so many permutations no longer allows it to be limited as a type of legitimate authority.

Forms of legitimate government
In determining the political legitimacy of a system of rule and government, the term proper — political legitimacy — is philosophically an essentially contested concept that facilitates understanding the different applications and interpretations of abstract, qualitative, and evaluative concepts such as “Art”, “social justice”, et cetera, as applied in aesthetics, political philosophy, the philosophy of history, and the philosophy of religion.[8] Therefore, in defining the political legitimacy of a system of government and rule, the term “essentially contested concept” indicates that a key term (communism, democracy, constitutionalism, etc.) has different meanings within a given political argument. Hence, the intellectually restrictive politics of dogmatism (“My answer is right, and all others are wrong”), scepticism (“All answers are equally true or [false]; everyone has a right to his own truth”), and eclecticism (“Each meaning gives a partial view, so the more meanings the better”) are inappropriate philosophic stances for managing a political term that has more than one meaning. Communism — The legitimacy of a Communist state derives from having won a civil war, a revolution, or from having won an election; thus, the actions of the Communist government are legitimate, authorised by the people. In the early twentieth century, Communist parties based the arguments supporting the legitimacy of their rule and government upon the scientific nature of Marxism.
• Constitutionalism — The modern political concept of constitutionalism establishes the law as supreme over the private will, by integrating nationalism, democracy, and limited government. The political legitimacy of constitutionalism derives from popular belief and acceptance that the actions of the government are legitimate because they abide the law codified in the political constitution. The political scientist Carl Joachim Friedrich (1901–84) said that in dividing political power among the organs of government, constitutional law effectively restrains the actions of the government.
• Democracy — In a democracy, government legitimacy derives from the popular perception that the elected government abides democratic principles in governing, and thus is legally accountable to its people.
• Fascism — In the 1920s and the 1930s, Fascism based its political legitimacy upon the arguments of traditional authority; respectively, the German National Socialists and the Italian Fascists claimed that the political legitimacy of their right to rule derived from philosophically denying the (popular) political legitimacy of elected liberal democratic governments.
During the Weimar Republic (1918–33), the political philosopher Carl Schmitt (1888–1985), whose legal work as the “Crown Jurist of the Third Reich” promoted fascism and deconstructed liberal democracy, addressed the matter in Legalität und Legitimität (Legality and Legitimacy, 1932) an anti-democratic polemic treatise that asked: How can parliamentary government make for law and legality, when a 49 per cent minority accepts as politically legitimate the political will of a 51 per cent majority?
• Monarchy — In a monarchy, the divine right of kings establishes the political legitimacy of the rule of the Monarch (King or Queen); legitimacy also derives from the popular perception (tradition and custom) and acceptance of him or her as the rightful ruler of nation and country. Contemporarily, such divine-right legitimacy is manifest in the absolute monarchy of the House of Saud (est. 1744), a royal family who have ruled and governed Saudi Arabia since the 18th century.
Constitutional monarchy is a variant form, of monarchic political legitimacy, which combines traditional authority and legal–rational authority, by which the monarch maintains nationalist unity (one people) and democratic administration (a political constitution).

5. GOVERNMENT
Government refers to the legislators, administrators, and arbitrators in the administrative bureaucracy who control a state at a given time, and to the system of government by which they are organized (Referred : More to govern than control).Government is the means by which state policy is enforced, as well as the mechanism for determining the policy of the state. A form of government, or form of state governance, refers to the set of political institutions by which a government of a state is organized. Synonyms include “regime type” and “system of government”.
States are served by a continuous succession of different governments. Each successive government is composed of a body of individuals who control and exercise control over political decision-making. Their function is to enforce laws, legislate new ones, and arbitrate conflicts. In some societies, this group is often a self-perpetuating or hereditary class. In other societies, such as democracies, the political roles remain, but there is frequent turnover of the people actually filling the positions.
The word government is derived from the Latin infinitive gubernare, meaning “to govern” or “to manage”. In parliamentary systems, the word “government” is used to refer to what in presidential systems would be the executive branch. In parliamentary systems, the government is composed of the prime minister and the cabinet. In other cases, “government” refers to executive, legislative, judicial, bureaucratic, and possibly also devolved powers.
In most Western societies, there is a clear distinction between a government and the state. Public disapproval of a particular government (expressed, for example, by not re-electing an incumbent) does not necessarily represent disapproval of the state itself (i.e. of the particular framework of government). However, in some totalitarian regimes, there is not a clear distinction between the regime and the state. In fact, leaders in such regimes often attempt to deliberately blur the lines between the two, in order to conflate their interests with those of the polity.

Classifying governments
In political science, it has long been a goal to create a typology or taxonomy of polities, as typologies of political systems are not obvious.[6] It is especially important in the political science fields of comparative politics and international relations.
On the surface, identifying a form of government appears to be easy, as all governments have an official form. The United States is a federal republic, while the former Soviet Union was a socialist republic. However self-identification is not objective, and as Kopstein and Lichbach argue, defining regimes can be tricky. For example, elections are a defining characteristic of a democracy, but in practice elections in the former Soviet Union were not “free and fair” and took place in a single party state. Thus in many practical classifications it would not be considered democratic.
Another complication is that a huge number of political systems originate as socio-economic movements and are then carried into governments by specific parties naming themselves after those movements. Experience with those movements in power, and the strong ties they may have to particular forms of government, can cause them to be considered as forms of government in themselves.

Maps

States by their systems of government.
________________________________________
presidential republics, full presidential system
presidential republics, parliament supervising an executive presidency
presidential republics, semi-presidential system
parliamentary republics
parliamentary constitutional monarchies in which the monarch does not personally exercise power
constitutional monarchies in which the monarch personally exercises power, often alongside a weak parliament
absolute monarchies
states whose constitutions grant only a single party the right to govern
states where constitutional provisions for government have been suspended

Countries highlighted in blue are designated “electoral democracies” in Freedom House’s 2010 survey “Freedom in the World”. Freedom House considers democracy in practice, not merely official claims.

A world map distinguishing countries of the world as monarchies (red) from other forms of government (blue). Many monarchies are considered electoral democracies because the monarch is largely ritual; in other cases the monarch is the only powerful political authority.

Forms of government
• Adhocracy – government based on type of organization that operates in opposite fashion to a bureaucracy.
• Authoritarian – Authoritarian governments are characterized by an emphasis on the authority of the state in a republic or union. It is a political system controlled by unelected rulers who usually permit some degree of individual freedom.
• Anarchism – Sometimes said to be non-governance; it is a structure which strives for non-hierarchical voluntary associations among agents.
• Band Society – government based on small (usually family) unit with a semi-informal hierarchy, with strongest (either physical strength or strength of character) as leader. Very much like a pack seen in other animals, such as wolves.
• Chiefdom (Tribal) – government based on small complex society of varying degrees of centralization that is led by an individual known as a chief.
• Constitutional monarchy – A government that has a monarch, but one whose powers are limited by law or by a formal constitution, such as the United Kingdom
• Constitutional republic – A government whose powers are limited by law or a formal constitution, and chosen by a vote amongst at least some sections of the populace (Ancient Sparta was in its own terms a republic, though most inhabitants were disenfranchised; The early United States was a republic, but the large numbers of African Americans and women did not have the vote). Republics which exclude sections of the populace from participation will typically claim to represent all citizens (by defining people without the vote as “non-citizens”).
• Democracy – Rule by a government chosen by election where most of the populace are enfranchised. The key distinction between a democracy and other forms of constitutional government is usually taken to be that the right to vote is not limited by a person’s wealth or race (the main qualification for enfranchisement is usually having reached a certain age). A Democratic government is, therefore, one supported (at least at the time of the election) by a majority of the populace (provided the election was held fairly). A “majority” may be defined in different ways. There are many “power-sharing” (usually in countries where people mainly identify themselves by race or religion) or “electoral-college” or “constituency” systems where the government is not chosen by a simple one-vote-per-person headcount.
• Dictatorship – Rule by an individual who has full power over the country. The term may refer to a system where the dictator came to power, and holds it, purely by force – but it also includes systems where the dictator first came to power legitimately but then was able to amend the constitution so as to, in effect, gather all power for themselves.
• Emirate – similar to a monarchy or sultanate, but a government in which the supreme power is in the hands of an emir (the ruler of a Muslim state); the emir may be an absolute overlord or a sovereign with constitutionally limited authority.
• Geniocracy – government ruled by creativity, innovation, intelligence and wisdom.
• Kratocracy – government ruled by those strong enough to seize power through physical force or political cunning.
• Kritocracy – government ruled by judges.
• Matriarchy – Rule by which females (especially mothers) have the central roles of political leadership.
• Meritocracy – Rule by a group selected on the basis of their ability.
• Monarchy – Rule by an individual who has inherited the role and expects to bequeath it to their heir.
• Nomocracy – Rule according to higher law. That is, a government under the sovereignty of rational laws and civic right as opposed to one under theocratic systems of government [1]. In a nomocracy, ultimate and final authority (sovereignty) exists in the law.
• Oligarchy – Rule by a small group of people who share similar interests or family relations.
• Patriarchy – Rule by which males act as the primary political authority, and where fathers hold authority over women, children, and property.
• Plutocracy – A government composed of the wealthy class. Any of the forms of government listed here can be plutocracy. For instance, if all of the voted representatives in a republic are wealthy, then it is a republic and a plutocracy.
• Republic – is a form of government in which the people, or some significant portion of them, have supreme control over the government and where offices of state are elected or chosen by elected people. In modern times, a common simplified definition of a republic is a government where the head of state is not a monarch. Montesquieu included both democracies, where all the people have a share in rule, and aristocracies or oligarchies, where only some of the people rule, as republican forms of government.
• Stratocracy – form of military government in which the state and the military are traditionally the same thing. (Not to be confused with “militarism” or “military dictatorship”.)
• Technocracy – government ruled by doctors, engineers, scientists, professionals and other technical experts.
• Theocracy – Rule by a religious elite.
• Timocracy – government ruled by honorable citizens and property owners.
• Totalitarian – Totalitarian governments regulate nearly every aspect of public and private life.

6. IDEOLOGY
An ideology is a set of ideas that constitute one’s goals, expectations, and actions. An ideology can be thought of as a comprehensive vision, as a way of looking at things (compare worldview), as in several philosophical tendencies (see Political ideologies), or a set of ideas proposed by the dominant class of a society to all members of this society (a “received consciousness” or product of socialization). The main purpose behind an ideology is to offer either change in society, or adherence to a set of ideals where conformity already exists, through a normative thought process. Ideologies are systems of abstract thought applied to public matters and thus make this concept central to politics. Implicitly every political or economic tendency entails an ideology whether or not it is propounded as an explicit system of thought. It is how society sees things.
History
The term “ideology” was born in the highly controversial philosophical and political debates and fights of the French Revolution and acquired several other meanings from the early days of the First French Empire to the present. The word was coined by Destutt de Tracy in 1796, assembling the parts idea (near to the Lockean sense) and -logy. He used it to refer to one aspect of his “science of ideas” (to the study itself, not the subject of the study). He separated three aspects, namely: ideology, general grammar, and logic, considering respectively the subject, the means, and the reason of this science. He argues that among these aspects ideology is the most generic term, because the science of ideas also contains the study of their expression and deduction.
According to Karl Mannheim’s historical reconstruction of the shifts in the meaning of ideology, the modern meaning of the word was born when Napoleon Bonaparte (as a politician) used it in an abusive way against “the ideologues” (a group which included Cabanis, Condorcet, Constant, Daunou, Say, Madame de Staël, and Tracy), to express the pettiness of his (liberal republican) political opponents.
Perhaps the most accessible source for the near-original meaning of ideology is Hippolyte Taine’s work on the Ancien Regime (the first volume of “Origins of Contemporary France”). He describes ideology as rather like teaching philosophy by the Socratic method, but without extending the vocabulary beyond what the general reader already possessed, and without the examples from observation that practical science would require. Taine identifies it not just with Destutt De Tracy, but also with his milieu, and includes Condillac as one of its precursors. (Tracy read the works of Locke and Condillac while he was imprisoned during the Reign of Terror.)
The word “ideology” was coined long before the Russians coined “intelligentsia”, or before the adjective “intellectual” referred to a sort of person (see substantive), i.e. an intellectual. Thus these words were not around when the hard-headed, driven Napoleon Bonaparte took the word “ideologues” to ridicule his intellectual opponents. Gradually, however, the term “ideology” has dropped some of its pejorative sting, and has become a neutral term in the analysis of differing political opinions and views of social groups. While Karl Marx situated the term within class struggle and domination, others believed it was a necessary part of institutional functioning and social integration.

7. POLITICAL PARTIES & PRESSURE GROUPS

A political party is a political organization that typically seeks to influence government policy, usually by nominating their own candidates and trying to seat them in political office. [1] Parties participate in electoral campaigns and educational outreach or protest actions. Parties often espouse an expressed ideology or vision bolstered by a written platform with specific goals, forming a coalition among disparate interests.
An advocacy group (pressure group) is a group or an organization which tries to influence the government but does not hold power in the government. A single-issue group may form in response to a particular issue area sometimes in response to a single event or threat. In some cases initiatives initially championed by advocacy groups later become institutionalized as important elements of civic life (for example universal education or regulation of doctors. Groups representing broad interests of a group may be formed with the purpose of benefiting the group over an expended period of time and in many ways, example as Consumer organizations, Professional associations, Trade associations and Trade unions.
Advocacy groups (also pressure groups, lobby groups and some interest groups and special interest groups) use various forms of advocacy to influence public opinion and/or policy; they have played and continue to play an important part in the development of political and social systems. Groups vary considerably in size, influence and motive; some have wide ranging long term social purposes, others are focused and are a response to an immediate issue or concern.
Motives for action may be based on a shared political, faith, moral or commercial position. Groups use varied methods to try to achieve their aims including lobbying, media campaigns, publicity stunts, polls, research and policy briefings. Some groups are supported by powerful business or political interests and exert considerable influence on the political process, others have few such resources.
Some have developed into important social, political institutions or social movements. Some powerful Lobby groups have been accused of manipulating the democratic system for narrow commercial gain and in some instances have been found guilty of corruption, fraud, bribery and other serious crimes; lobbying has become increasingly regulated as a result. Some groups, generally ones with less financial resources, may use direct action and civil disobedience and in some cases are accused of being a threat to the social order or ‘domestic extremists’. Research is beginning to explore how advocacy groups use social media to facilitate civic engagement and collective action.
UNIT 2

1. Origin of politics parties
The emergence and development of political parties are associated with the division of society into classes and with the history of the class struggle, especially the struggle for political power. “In a society based upon class divisions, the struggle between the hostile classes is bound, at a certain stage of its development, to become a political struggle. The most purposeful, most comprehensive and specific expression of the political struggle of classes is the struggle of parties” (V. I. Lenin, Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 12, p. 137).
In contrast to the spontaneous process of class formation, the emergence of political parties is possible only when the ideologists of a particular class become aware of its fundamental common interests and express them in the form of definite conceptions and political programs. The political party educates and organizes the class or social group and lends an organized, purposeful character to its actions. Furthermore, the political party is the repository of a particular ideology. To a considerable degree, ideology determines the leading principles of the party’s policies, organizational structure, and practical activity, which are usually specified in the party’s programs and rules. As Lenin emphasized: “To see what is what in the fight between the parties, one must not take words at their face value but must study the actual history of the parties, must study not so much what they say about themselves as their deeds, the way in which they go about solving various political problems, and their behavior in matters affecting the vital interests of the various classes of society—landlords, capitalists, peasants, workers, etc.” (ibid., vol. 21, p. 276).
The demarcation of political parties, which corresponds to the arrangement of the basic class forces of society, can only take place under the conditions of mature capitalism. In slaveholding and feudal societies political groupings organized according to social estate expressed the interests of various strata of the ruling classes. Because they were economically fragmented and spiritually oppressed, the toiling classes could not form independent political parties during this historical period. To a certain degree, their interests were expressed by progressive political groupings of the propertied class (the Jacobins, for example), which were interested in obtaining popular support in the struggle against reactionary forces. Under mid-19th-century capitalism, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie began to use political parties in their struggle for political dominance. The party system became an organic component of the mechanism of bourgeois governmental power. In the final analysis, the character of this system depends on the balance of class forces, which predetermines the forms and methods by which the bourgeoisie implements its dictatorship.

2. Types of political parties
The French political scientist Maurice Duverger drew a distinction between cadre parties and mass parties. Cadre parties were political elites that were concerned with contesting elections and restricted the influence of outsiders, who were only required to assist in election campaigns. Mass parties tried to recruit new members who were a source of party income and were often expected to spread party ideology as well as assist in elections. Socialist parties are examples of mass parties, while the British Conservative Party and the German Christian Democratic Union are examples of hybrid parties. In the United States, where both major parties were cadre parties, the introduction of primaries and other reforms has transformed them so that power is held by activists who compete over influence and nomination of candidates.
Klaus von Beyme categorized European parties into nine families, which described most parties. He was able to arrange seven of them from left to right: communist, socialist, green, liberal, Christian democratic, conservative and libertarian. The position of two other types, agrarian and regional/ethnic parties varied. Another category he failed to mention are Islamic political parties, such as Hizb ut-Tahrir.
Nonpartisan
In a nonpartisan system, no official political parties exist, sometimes reflecting legal restrictions on political parties. In nonpartisan elections, each candidate is eligible for office on his or her own merits. In nonpartisan legislatures, there are no typically formal party alignments within the legislature. The administration of George Washington and the first few sessions of the United States Congress were nonpartisan. Washington also warned against political parties during his Farewell Address. In the United States, the unicameral legislature of Nebraska is nonpartisan. In Canada, the territorial legislatures of the Northwest Territories and Nunavut are nonpartisan. In New Zealand, Tokelau has a nonpartisan parliament. Many city and county governments are nonpartisan. Nonpartisan elections and modes of governance are common outside of state institutions. Unless there are legal prohibitions against political parties, factions within nonpartisan systems often evolve into political parties.
Single dominant party
In single-party systems, one political party is legally allowed to hold effective power. Although minor parties may sometimes be allowed, they are legally required to accept the leadership of the dominant party. This party may not always be identical to the government, although sometimes positions within the party may in fact be more important than positions within the government. China is an example; others can be found in Fascist states, such as Nazi Germany between 1934 and 1945. The single-party system is thus usually equated with dictatorships and tyranny.
In dominant-party systems, opposition parties are allowed, and there may be even a deeply established democratic tradition, but other parties are widely considered to have no real chance of gaining power. Sometimes, political, social and economic circumstances, and public opinion are the reason for others parties’ failure. Sometimes, typically in countries with less of an established democratic tradition, it is possible the dominant party will remain in power by using patronage and sometimes by voting fraud. In the latter case, the definition between Dominant and single-party system becomes rather blurred. Examples of dominant party systems include the People’s Action Party in Singapore, the African National Congress in South Africa, the Human Rights Protection Party in Samoa, and the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro in Montenegro. One party dominant systems also existed in Mexico with the Institutional Revolutionary Party until the 1990s, in the southern United States with the Democratic Party from the late 19th century until the 1970s, in Indonesia with the Golongan Karya (Party of the Functional Groups) from the early 1970s until 1998, and in Japan with the Liberal Democratic Party until 2009.
Two political parties
Two-party systems are states such as Jamaica, and Ghana in which there are two political parties dominant to such an extent that electoral success under the banner of any other party is almost impossible. One right wing coalition party and one left wing coalition party is the most common ideological breakdown in such a system but in two-party states political parties are traditionally catch all parties which are ideologically broad and inclusive.
The United States is widely considered a two-party system. Since the birth of the republic a conservative (such as the Republican Party) and liberal (such as the Democratic Party) party have usually been the status quo within American politics, with some exception. Third parties often receive little support and are not often the victors in many races. Despite this, there have been several examples of third parties siphoning votes from major parties that were expected to win (such as Theodore Roosevelt in the election of 1912 and Ross Perot in the election of 1992).
The UK political system, while technically a multi-party system, has functioned generally as a two-party (sometimes called a “two-and-a-half party) system; since the 1920s the two largest political parties have been the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. Before the Labour Party rose in British politics the Liberal Party was the other major political party along with the Conservatives. Though coalition and minority governments have been an occasional feature of parliamentary politics, the first-past-the-post electoral system used for general elections tends to maintain the dominance of these two parties, though each has in the past century relied upon a third party to deliver a working majority in Parliament.(A plurality voting system usually leads to a two-party system, a relationship described by Maurice Duverger and known as Duverger’s Law.) However, the 2010 General Election resulted in a coalition government led by the Conservative Party and including the Liberal Democrats. There are also numerous other parties that hold or have held a number of seats in Parliament.
Multiple political parties
Multi-party systems are systems in which more than two parties are represented and elected to public office.
Australia, Canada, Pakistan, India, Ireland, United Kingdom and Norway are examples of countries with two strong parties and additional smaller parties that have also obtained representation. The smaller or “third” parties may form a part of a coalition government together with one of the larger parties or act independently from the other dominant parties.
More commonly, in cases where there are three or more parties, no one party is likely to gain power alone, and parties work with each other to form coalition governments. This has been an emerging trend in the politics of the Republic of Ireland since the 1980s and is almost always the case in Germany on national and state level, and in most constituencies at the communal level. Furthermore since the forming of the Republic of Iceland there has never been a government not led by a coalition (usually of the Independence Party and one other often the Social Democratic Alliance. Political change is often easier with a coalition government than in one-party or two-party dominant systems.
3. Structure of political parties
Political structure is a term frequently used in political science.
The term political structure, used in a general sense, refers to institutions or groups and their relations to each other, their patterns of interaction within political systems and to political regulations, laws and the norms present in political systems in such a way that they constitute the political landscape of the political entity. In the social domain its counterpart is Social structure.
4. Party membership
This can be describe simply as the affiliate where a candidates or electorate (citizens) belongs.

5. Party organization
Party organization in Western democracies was originally characterized by two principal types. Cadre parties developed as an expression of a small elite group. In the nineteenth century these were generally parties made up of social notables and their individual supporters. They were also commonly parliamentary in their origins. As social leaders who once assumed political power they simply now organized to garner the vote of expanding electorates. Such cadre powers were generally loosely organized, had low memberships, and were not ideologically programmatic. Most conservative and right of centre parties evolved in this manner. In contrast, mass parties grew out of the development of late nineteenth-century working-class protest and the political ambitions of trade unions, friendly societies, and cooperative movements. They were by definition extra-parliamentary parties, deriving from social groups and their quest for political power. They evolved more formal organization, full-time officials, a mass membership, and a systematic political programme that was accountable to the membership. Such parties tended to be social democratic or democratic socialist and were much more subject to internal party democracy.

The development of a broadened franchise, nevertheless, imposed similar pressures on cadre and mass parties to develop professional organization and a large membership whilst being pragmatic to the needs of winning elections. Otto Kirchheimer’s catch-all model of party organization suggests that whilst historical origins have continued to give a distinctive flavour to parties, the logic of party competition has increasingly made them conform to common characteristics. Principally these have included: de-emphasizing the original social base so as to be able to appeal to a broader electorate; de-emphasizing a particular ideology so as to be able to respond to electoral views on short-term issues; strengthening central party leadership and hierarchic control to provide a clear electoral message; sacrificing internal party democracy so as to be able to present a favourable image of a united party; broadening social group links to enhance party funding opportunities; and a move from membership campaigning to leadership campaigning through the media.

Analysis by R. S. Katz and P. Mair identifies the further development of the cartel party as an ideal type towards which many established parties in Western democracies are moving. This confirms the common development of catch-all characteristics but adds that established parties take extra steps to preserve their position in volatile electoral market-places. This focuses on state funding of parties, a measure that enhances party autonomy from particular social group funding and the specific demands that might follow. Party leaderships thus become freer to tailor messages to the broader electoral middle ground. Equally, however, in that funding is provided in relation to existing representation it gives established parties a major resource advantage over newcomers.

In the United States, the Republican and Democrat parties are loosely organized, without the permanent structures normally found in European parties. In Eastern Europe differing organizational forms appear to result from the incidence of successor communist parties, the emergence of new state-organized parties, and a mass of tiny parties working in an electoral landscape where democracy is weakly rooted. In one-party states or states dominated by one party, organization remains the most closely related to the assumed structure of state power. The failed communist parties of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were organized around the principle of democratic centralism.

UNIT 3
1. Political culture and democracy in Nigeria
The term political culture was brought into political science to promote the American political system. The concept was used by Gabriel Almond in late 50s, and outlined in The Civic Culture (1963, Almond & Verba), but was soon opposed by two European political scientists, Gerhard Lehmbruch and Arend Lijphart. Lehmbruch analysed politics in Switzerland and Austria and Lijphart analysed politics in Netherlands. Both argued that there are political systems that are more stable than the one in the USA. Political culture is the traditional orientation of the citizens of a nation toward politics, affecting their perceptions of political legitimacy.

2. Types of political culture
According to their level and type of political participation and the nature of people’s attitudes toward politics, Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba outlined three pure types of political culture:
• Parochial – Where citizens are only remotely aware of the presence of central government, and live their lives near enough regardless of the decisions taken by the state. Distant and unaware of political phenomena. He has neither knowledge or interest in politics. In general congruent with a traditional political structure.
• Subject – Where citizens are aware of central government, and are heavily subjected to its decisions with little scope for dissent. The individual is aware of politics, its actors and institutions. It is affectively oriented towards politics, yet he is on the “downward flow” side of the politics. In general congruent with a centralized authoritarian structure.
• Participant – Citizens are able to influence the government in various ways and they are affected by it. The individual is oriented toward the system as a whole, to both the political and administrative structures and processes (to both the input and output aspects). In general congruent with a democratic political structure.
These three ‘pure’ types of political culture can combine to create the ‘civic culture’, which mixes the best elements of each.
Lijphart
By Arend Lijphart, there are different classifications of political culture:
1. classification:
• Political culture of masses
• Political culture of the elite(s)
2. classification (of political culture of the elites):
• coalitional
• contradictive
Lijphart also classified structure of the society:
• homogeneous
• heterogeneous
3. Content and component of political culture
the components of political culture are religions , behaviour, Norms and beliefs. They form an important part of our society.

UNIT 4

1. Political participation in Nigeria
This refers to different mechanisms for the citizens of Nigeria to express opinions – and ideally exert influence through the electoral process.
Political Participation in social science refers to different mechanisms for the public to express opinions – and ideally exert influence – regarding political, economic, management or other social decisions. Participatory decision making can take place along any realm of human social activity, including economic (i.e. participatory economics), political (i.e. participatory democracy or parpolity), management (i.e. participatory management), cultural (i.e. polyculturalism) or familial (i.e. feminism).
For well-informed participation to occur, it is argued that some version of transparency, e.g. radical transparency, is necessary, but not sufficient. It has also been argued that those most affected by a decision should have the most say while those that are least affected should have the least say in a topic.
2. Forms of political participation
There are various forms of political participation and their adoption depends on the political culture of the country in question.
Classifying participation
Sherry Arnstein discusses eight types of participation in A Ladder of Citizen Participation (1969). Often termed as “Arnstein’s ladder”, these are broadly categorized as:
• Citizen Power: Citizen Control, Delegated Power, Partnership.
• Tokenism: Placation, Consultation, Informing.
• Nonparticipation: Therapy, Manipulation.
She defines citizen participation as the redistribution of power that enables the have-not citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic processes, to be deliberately included in the future.
Archon Fung presents another classification of participation based on three key questions: Who is allowed to participate, and are they representative of the population? What is the method of communication or decision-making? And how much influence or authority is granted to the participation?
Other “ladders” of participation have been presented by D.M. Connor,Wiedemann and Femers, A. Dorcey et al., Jules N. Pretty and E.M. Rocha.
Specific participation activities
• Town hall meeting
• Advisory committee
• Citizens’ jury
• Opinion poll
• Participatory design
• Referendum
• Protest

3. Important of political participation
The key importance of political participation is that it allows for all hands to be on deck in order to take part in the electoral processes in the country.

4. Instigating variables
Instigating variables or called The need for cognition, (NFC) in psychology, is a personality variable reflecting the extent to which people engage in and enjoy effortful cognitive activities.
An individual’s innate need-for-cognition, a concept defined as “a need to structure relevant situations in meaningful, integrated ways” and “a need to understand and make reasonable the experiential world” by Cohen, Stotland and Wolfe (1955, p.291).
Some individuals have a high need for cognition, where they enjoy the effortful engagement of arguments, the evaluation of ideas, and the analysis of problems and their solutions. These individuals by their very nature are more likely to engage in high elaboration. Other individuals will, by their very nature, not be motivated to engage in effortful, thoughtful evaluation and analysis of ideas. These individuals will be more likely to process the information heuristically, that is, with low elaboration. (Dole and Sinatra, 1998, p.117)

5. Benefits of political participation
These can be refers to as gains a member derive from actively participating in political matters. They may include the right to be voted for, via for political office and be aware of events happening in the country.

6. Women & political participation
These can be refers to as gains a women derive from actively participating in political matters. They may include the right to be voted for, via for political office and be aware of events happening in the country.

7. Election & electoral democracy
An election is a formal decision-making process by which a population chooses an individual to hold public office.[1] Elections have been the usual mechanism by which modern representative democracy has operated since the 17th century.[1] Elections may fill offices in the legislature, sometimes in the executive and judiciary, and for regional and local government. This process is also used in many other private and business organizations, from clubs to voluntary associations and corporations.
The universal use of elections as a tool for selecting representatives in modern democracies is in contrast with the practice in the democratic archetype, ancient Athens. As the Elections were considered an oligarchic institution and most political offices were filled using sortition, also known as allotment, by which officeholders were chosen by lot.
Electoral reform describes the process of introducing fair electoral systems where they are not in place, or improving the fairness or effectiveness of existing systems. Psephology is the study of results and other statistics relating to elections (especially with a view to predicting future results).
To elect means “to choose or make a decision”[2] and so sometimes other forms of ballot such as referendums are referred to as elections, especially in the United States.
Electoral systems
Electoral systems are the detailed constitutional arrangements and voting systems that convert the vote into political decision. The first step is to tally the votes, for which various vote counting systems and ballot types are used. Voting systems then determine the result on the basis of the tally. Most systems can be categorized as either proportional or majoritarian. Among the former are party-list proportional representation and additional member system. Among the latter are First Past the Post (FPP) (relative majority) and absolute majority. Many countries have growing electoral reform movements, which advocate systems such as approval voting, single transferable vote, instant runoff voting or a Condorcet method; these methods are also gaining popularity for lesser elections in some countries where more important elections still use more traditional counting methods.
While openness and accountability are usually considered cornerstones of a democratic system, the act of casting a vote and the content of a voter’s ballot are usually an important exception. The secret ballot is a relatively modern development, but it is now considered crucial in most free and fair elections, as it limits the effectiveness of intimidation.

UNIT 5
1. Democracy & system of democracy
Democracy is an egalitarian form of government in which all the citizens of a nation together determine public policy, the laws and the actions of their state, requiring that all citizens (meeting certain qualifications) have an equal opportunity to express their opinion. In practise, “democracy” is the extent to which a given system approximates this ideal, and a given political system is referred to as “a democracy” if it allows a certain approximation to ideal democracy. Although no country has ever granted all its citizens (i.e. including minors) the vote, most countries today hold regular elections based on egalitarian principles, at least in theory.
The most common system that is deemed “democratic” in the modern world is parliamentary democracy in which the voting public takes part in elections and chooses politicians to represent them in a Legislative Assembly. The members of the assembly then make decisions with a majority vote. A purer form is direct democracy in which the voting public makes direct decisions or participates directly in the political process. Elements of direct democracy exist on a local level and on exceptions on national level in many countries, though these systems coexist with representative assemblies.
The term comes from the Greek word δημοκρατία (dēmokratía) “rule of the people”, which was coined from δῆμος (dēmos) “people” and κράτος (kratos) “power”, in the middle of the 5th-4th century BC to denote the political systems then existing in some Greek city-states, notably Athens following a popular uprising in 508 BC.Other cultures since Greece have significantly contributed to the evolution of democracy such as Ancient Rome, Europe, and North and South America. The concept of representative democracy arose largely from ideas and institutions that developed during the European Middle Ages and the Age of Enlightenment and in the American and French Revolutions. The right to vote has been expanded in many jurisdictions over time from relatively narrow groups (such as wealthy men of a particular ethnic group), with New Zealand the first nation to grant universal suffrage for all its citizens in 1893.
Elements considered essential to democracy include freedom of political expression, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, so that citizens are adequately informed and able to vote according to their own best interests as they see them. The term “democracy” is often used as shorthand for liberal democracy, which may include elements such as political pluralism; equality before the law; the right to petition elected officials for redress of grievances; due process; civil liberties; human rights; and elements of civil society outside the government.
Democracy is often confused with the republic form of government. In some definitions of “republic,” a republic is a form of democracy. Other definitions make “republic” a separate, unrelated term.
Democracy has taken a number of forms, both in theory and practice. Some varieties of democracy provide better representation and more freedom for their citizens than others. However, if any democracy is not structured so as to prohibit the government from excluding the people from the legislative process, or any branch of government from altering the separation of powers in its own favor, then a branch of the system can accumulate too much power and destroy the democracy. Representative Democracy, Consensus Democracy, and Deliberative Democracy are all major examples of attempts at a form of government that is both practical and responsive to the needs and desires of citizens.
Electoral democracies.

Description World map showing the 2008 (based in 2007 data) countries considered “electoral democracies” (in blue), according to American organization Freedom House. Reference: Freedom in the World 2010

UNIT 6
1. Pressure groups politics;
This can be refers to the antics used by various pressure groups inorder to be heard or exert pressure on the government so as to listen to their views.

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The Balcony .


The Balcony (French: Le Balcon) is a play by the French dramatist Jean Genet. Since Peter Zadek directed its first production at the Arts Theatre Club in London in 1957, the play has attracted many of the greatest directors of the 20th century, including Peter Brook, Erwin Piscator, Roger Blin, Giorgio Strehler, and JoAnne Akalaitis.[1] Set in an unnamed city that is experiencing a revolutionary uprising in the streets, most of the action takes place in an upmarket brothel that functions as a microcosm of the regime of the establishment under threat outside.[2] The play’s dramatic structure integrates Genet’s concern with meta-theatricality and role-playing and consists of two central strands: a political conflict between revolution and counter-revolution and a philosophical one between reality and illusion.[3] Genet suggested that the play ought to be performed as a “glorification of the Image and the Reflection.”[4] His biographer, Edmund White, writes that with The Balcony, along with The Blacks (1959), Genet re-invented modern theatre.[5] The psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan described the play as the rebirth of the spirit of the classical Athenian comic playwright Aristophanes, while the philosopher Lucien Goldmann argued that despite its “entirely different world view” it constitutes “the first great Brechtian play in French literature.”[6] Martin Esslin has called The Balcony “one of the masterpieces of our time.”[7]
Plot synopsis
Most of the action takes place in an upmarket brothel in which its madam, Irma, “casts, directs, and co-ordinates performances in a house of infinite mirrors and theaters.”[8] Genet uses this setting to explore roles of power in society; in the first few scenes patrons assume the roles of a bishop who forgives a penitent, a judge who punishes a thief, and a general who rides his horse. Meanwhile, a revolution is progressing outside in the city and the occupants of the brothel anxiously await the arrival of the Chief of Police. Chantal, one of the prostitutes, has quit the brothel to become the embodiment of the spirit of the revolution. An Envoy from the Queen arrives and reveals that the pillars of society (the Chief Justice, the Bishop, the General, etc.) have all been killed in the uprising. Using the costumes and props in Irma’s “house of illusions” (the traditional French name for a brothel), the patrons’ roles are realised when they pose in public as the figures of authority in a counter-revolutionary effort to restore order and the status quo.[9]

Analysis and criticism
The philosopher Lucien Goldmann suggests that the themes of The Balcony may be divided between those that are essential and primary and those that are non-essential and secondary.[55] Those that we may recognise from Genet’s earlier work—the double, the mirror, sexuality, dream-death vs. reality-impure life—belong to the secondary level, he argues, while the play’s essential theme is a clear and comprehensible analysis of the transformation of industrial society into a technocracy.[56] Genet relates the experiences of his characters “to the great political and social upheavals of the twentieth century,” Goldmann argues, particularly important among which is “the collapse of the tremendous hopes for revolution.”[57] He discerns in the play’s dramatic structure a balance of three equal movements—”established order, threat to order, and order again re-established.”[58] The first section of the play dramatises the way in which the prestigious images of the established order—the Bishop, the Judge, the General—belie the actual bearers of power in modern society:
The Balcony Characters
Arthur
Arthur (also known as The Executioner) works at the whorehouse, playing the Executioner and other roles in the male clientele’s fantasy. Irma was forced to hire him by George, the Chief of Police. Though she was reluctant at first, she came to rely on him. Arthur cares solely about his own interests and money. He goes to find George for Irma, only because she will give him money for silk shirts he has ordered. Arthur survives the rebellion in the street, only to be shot dead by a stray bullet when he returns to the Grand Balcony. He is laid out in the Funeral Studio inside the brothel.
The Bishop
The Bishop is one of the clients at the Grand Balcony. He is not actually a bishop, but a customer who plays one in his fantasy. As a client, he is rather fussy, concerned that the details of his fantasy are…

RURAL DEVELOPMENT OF TANZANIA


Tanzania, officially the United Republic of Tanzania Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania), is a country in East Africa bordered by Kenya and Uganda to the north, Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west, and Zambia, Malawi, and Mozambique to the south. The country’s eastern border lies on the Indian Ocean.
Tanzania is a state composed of 26 regions (mikoa), including those of the semi-autonomous region of Zanzibar. The head of state is President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, elected in 2005. Since 1996, the official capital of Tanzania has been Dodoma, where Parliament and some government offices are located. Between independence and 1996, the main coastal city of Dar es Salaam served as the country’s political capital. Today, Dar es Salaam remains the principal commercial city of Tanzania and the de facto seat of most government institutions.It is the major seaport for the country and its landlocked neighbours.
The name Tanzania derives from the names of the two states Tanganyika and Zanzibar that united in 1964 to form the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, which later the same year was renamed the United Republic of Tanzania.
Rural Development in Tanzania;
The Coastal Rural Support Programme in Tanzania, or CRSP(T), is a multi-input area development programme of the Aga Khan Foundation (AKF). In collaboration with the government of Tanzania, under its MKUKUTA poverty alleviation programme, CRSP(T) takes a market development approach to support rural livelihoods and improve the quality of life through increased rural income.
The programme’s overall goal is to improve the quality of life and social well-being of target communities in Lindi and Mtwara regions through sustainable socio-economic interventions in food security, income generation, health and education.The programme’s overall goal is to improve the quality of life and social well-being of target communities in Lindi and Mtwara regions through sustainable socio-economic interventions in food security, income generation, health and education. It works to build the capacity of local government staff, especially district agricultural officers and extension workers, to create sustainable systems for agricultural improvement in the regions. CRSP(T) builds upon the experiences and lessons learned from the Foundation’s programmes in Kenya and Mozambique as well as other AKDN rural support programmes in Asia and Africa.

CRSP(T) has four main objectives:
• To increase food security and incomes of rural households in Lindi and Mtwara regions
• To improve quality education for pre-primary, primary and early secondary students
• To improve health of women of reproductive age, children under five and youth
• To enhance effective local ownership of development processes
Agriculture
The economy of both Mtwara and Lindi regions is based on subsistence agriculture, with about 87 percent of the population engaged in rain-fed agriculture. Low agricultural productivity has increased the risk of food insecurity for many households. Mtwara and Lindi regions have good agricultural potential: the soil in most areas is reasonably fertile and the region has received sufficient rainfall in 13 of the past 15 seasons to grow most crops. Nonetheless, farmers in Mtwara and Lindi regions have experienced low agricultural yield.
With five years (2010-14) funding from DfID, CRSP(T) is focusing initially on rice as a sub-sector with subsequent expansion into other crops such as sesame. The overarching goal of the rice intervention is to significantly increase food security, productivity and incomes for poor rice producing households. The intervention is currently focusing on all the lowland rice schemes in Lindi District working with over 45 farmer groups. Approximately 2,300 farmers have joined into 46 groups so far. In the next five years, the intervention is expected to reach 37,500 farmers; in the next eight years, it will expand to reach 60,000 farmers in major rice /sesame producing areas of Lindi and Mtwara regions.
The current approach used is the Participatory Learning and Action Research for Integrated Rice Management (PLAR-IRM) framework, an approach that strengthens farmers’ capacity for integrated rice management through co-learning and innovation. PLAR emphasises the search for solutions that are adapted to locally specific problems and aims at maximising the use of local resources.
Intervention in the rice sector will increase rice productivity through assisting producers, groups and associations in improved rice management techniques and increase productivity and competitiveness of the rice value chain through facilitation of backward and forward linkages. These results will in turn improve food security and incomes of rice growing households.
Savings and Credit
By increasing access to financial services, including both savings and credit, the livelihood of farmers can be improved substantially. Research has repeatedly found that very poor and remote populations have the capacity to save, and do save, significant amounts. They also need access to very small amounts of credit to help smooth incomes, meet predictable expenses and reduce shocks in emergencies. Quick access to a small amount of credit or accumulated savings, for example, can enable a farmer to defer selling or pre-selling his harvest to a time when prices are higher, in some cases substantially increasing incomes. And with more stability in their cash flow, rural households can make better choices around health, education and nutrition, and as well, may invest in income generating activities.
Approximately 57 percent of Tanzanians above 16 years are excluded from semi-formal or formal financial services and services that do exist are restricted to urban and peri-urban areas.
In response, CRSP(T) has begun implementing the Community Based Savings Groups (CBSGs) project to provide access to both savings and credit to rural households across selected areas in Lindi and Mtwara. A CBSG enables a group of 15 to 30 people to come together and save. Once a sufficient level of savings has been reached, money is then loaned out to the members who pay interest on the amount borrowed. Group members agree to their own leadership, constitution, entry level payments and interest rates. Nearly 100 groups, with nearly 2000 members, had been formed by 2010. By 2014, the CBSG project aims to increase access to financial services for 112,500 people in all 12 districts of Mtwara and Lindi regions.
CRSP(T) is also expecting to work with the Aga Khan Agency for Microfinance (AKAM) to encourage increased outreach to the rural areas, including the possibility of developing micro leasing products and other working capital/fixed assets credit products for micro- and small-medium enterprises. The programme will also promote financial literacy and dissemination of information on financial services and products provided by various organisations in the area.
Enterprise Development
The tourism sector has been developing over the past few years attracting more investment in Lindi and Mtwara regions. Trading is the primary off-farm occupation in the two regions, providing a means of livelihood diversification for many rural families.
CRSP(T) will promote off-farm opportunities and diversification of incomes through enterprise development, specifically in the areas of tourism, handcrafts and agro-processing.
Health
The health sector especially in Lindi and Mtwara is faced by a number of challenges that act in combination against the development of a healthy and productive population. Poor communications, poor water supply, poverty, poor rural health services and malnutrition are only some of the factors that contribute towards ill-health.
CRSP(T)’s health component will contribute to the improved health status of women of reproductive age and children under five years. This will be achieved through a number of strategies: Community mobilisation; health education and behavioural change and communication that are culturally relevant; capacity and performance enhancement of health professionals at the facility and district levels; and strengthening of the public-private health delivery system.
Education
Ensuring continuity of learning and smooth transitions is a serious challenge in education. Factors such as high pupil/teacher ratios, overcrowded classes, lack of early stimulation, traveling long distances to reach school and the need to balance home chores and schoolwork all negatively impact learners’ progress. These and other factors result in delayed enrolment and poor learning achievements.
CRSP(T) will build the capacity of school stakeholders to design and structure effective and appropriate classroom interventions and make the environment conducive to teaching and learning. In order to achieve this, the following strategies will be used: Improving learning, student assessments and achievement; increasing awareness of inclusive education; improving transition from ECD to primary and secondary levels; and strengthening teacher development and management systems as well as community structures (i.e., school management committees).
Civil Society Strengthening
The programme focuses on two components in the civil society sector. The first component involves research that will help assess competencies of civil society organisations (CSOs) and support their development. Secondly, AKF will support government policy to encourage participation between communities and local government by underpinning that policy with mutual education, mutual training and encouraging mutual creative problem solving for villages, encouraging wide and multi-input approaches.

MAKE A CASE FOR THE TEACHING OF MORAL EDUCATION IN OUR SCHOOL SYSTEM.


Preparing children for their moral responsibilities as adults is a crucial part of the education process. Teachers play an important role in fostering moral maturity in students, and, according to Ryan, teacher educators have an obligation to help preservice teachers under stand how to create a “moral curriculum” in the classroom. He argues that the content of teacher education must consist of more than academic content and pedagogical skills. Preservice teachers must also appreciate their role in communicating to students the larger values of a community and of a society.
Teaching morals and values in the public schools has been a frequently discussed topic in the past few years. Interestingly, most of the discussion has come from members of the religious right and individuals associated or sympathetic with their point of view. For example, Secretary of Education William Bennett recently urged conservative activists to join him in a fight to restore a “coherent moral vision” to America’s public schools. Speaking to leaders of Phyllis Schlafly’s Eagle Forum, he declared that “We can get the values Americans share back into our classrooms,” and “Those who claim we are now too diverse a nation, that we consist of too many competing convictions and interests to instill common values, are wrong.” Bennett said that children should be taught such values as patriotism, self-discipline, thrift, honesty, and that there is a moral difference between the United States and the Soviet Union. Gary Bauer, a deputy undersecretary in the Department of Education and an outspoken advocate of right-wing religious ideals, told the American Federation of Teachers that “The teaching of values and ethics in our public schools should be an integral part of the curriculum.” Bauer laments that the values “on which there is wide agreement, for example, honesty, courage, humility, kindness, generosity, and patriotism have been eliminated from many texts.” Perhaps the clearest example is from our President, Ronald Reagan, who had this to say about education’s basic purpose: “We’re beginning to realize, once again, that education at its core is more than just teaching our young the skills that are needed for a job, however important that is. It’s also about passing on to each new generation the values that serve as the foundation and cornerstone of our free democratic society–patriotism, loyalty, faithfulness, courage, the ability to make the crucial moral distinctions between right and wrong, the maturity to understand that all that we have and achieve in this world comes first from a beneficent and loving God.”
Media attention has also recently focused on two court cases that are currently being tried. The first, in Tennessee, concerns the efforts of Vickie Frost to remove materials from the school curriculum that she finds offensive to her fundamentalist Christian values. She objects to stories critical of the free-enterprise system, because “capitalism is ordained by God.” She objects to textbook pictures of women assuming traditional male roles, because “God meant for women to be subservient to men.” Frost objects to a textbook’s inclusion of the influence of the Renaissance, because it says that “a central idea of the Renaissance was a belief in the dignity and worth of human beings.” She objects to the statement that “the painters of this time glorified or elevated the human form in paintings,” because “God is to be glorified, not man.” Vickie Frost and her attorneys from Beverly LeHaye’s Concerned Women for America blame the intrusion of “secular humanism” for the textbook contents. The second case, from Alabama, is even more explicitly against secular humanism. There, more than 600 fundamentalist parents, students, and teachers are seeking to remove all traces of what they claim is “secular humanism” from the state curriculum. The examples they give of this influence include the study of evolution, sex education, and instruction in situational ethics. They contend that secular humanism itself is a religion, and if Christianity cannot be taught in the public school, then neither can humanism. The attorneys for the plaintiffs in Alabama are being provided by Concerned Women for America and Pat Robertson’s National Legal Foundation.
You may ask if there is some connection between these two court cases and the new emphasis from right-wing religionists about teaching morals and values in the public schools. There is. The connection is political, and deals with newly -found political power. The religious right today is on the offensive in all areas of public debate involving moral issues. These individuals believe that they know the absolute truth, and they have learned that they can make their revealed absolute truth the law of the land by political organization, lobbying, and litigation. They realize that they can coerce other people, who do not share their views, into following them nevertheless by using the power of the state. The last instance of the use of this type of political power by conservative religionists was Prohibition, whose main success was the creation of organized crime. Today the goal is preventing women from having abortions, suppressing science education, getting prayer back into public schools, hindering sex and drug education, having public tax money pay for parochial schools, turning back the tide of women’s liberation, and preventing the teaching of effective and reasonable morals and values.
Did I say prevent the teaching of morals and values. Yes, because the stated intentions of Bennett, Bauer, and Reagan are merely a smokescreen for their true goal of sneaking religion back into the public schools under the guise of moral education. These men, and the many religionists who object to secular humanism, believe that morals and values are based in religion–that there can be no morality without religion–and, as religious conservative Terry Eastland put it, “we have yet to cultivate in this country, at least on a broad scale, a means of teaching the Judeo-Christian ethic without also frequently bringing up its religious roots.” Eastland faulted a widespread absence in young people of a “basic morality” as the cause of many of society’s problems, including crime, racial conflict, drug abuse, and sexual promiscuity. He says that the basic morality “consists of, among other things, honesty, fairness, respect for law, courage, diligence, and respect for others.” He states that these qualities ” are commonly regarded as part of the Judeo-Christian ethic…” Officials of the Reagan administration and other religious conservatives believe the same: that all good morals and values stem from our Judeo-Christian heritage and that it is impossible to teach these ethical precepts without also mentioning their religious source and divine justification; that is, it is impossible to teach morals and values and be neutral at the same time. Education Secretary Bennett stated the belief quite precisely: “Neutrality to religion turns out to bring with it neutrality to those values that issue from religion. . . . We now face a new source of divisiveness: The assault of secularism on religion.” It is this belief that leads to a conflict that I will explain shortly, and which results in the religious conservatives’ opposition not only to secular humanism, but to teaching values and morals in a neutral and secular context in the public schools. I think, despite their statements, that the religious right is actually opposed to teaching ethical concepts in the public schools unless they get to do it in their own unconstitutional fashion, that is, by insisting that children are taught that good morals and values are derived from the Judeo-Christian ethic and are justified solely by God’s authority.
I want to discuss why we should teach morals and values in the public schools and how this is possible without breaking the law by promoting either Christianity or secular humanism. First, let’s briefly establish why moral education is important for both individuals and society. (I will refer to deliberate instruction in morals and values in the public schools as “character education,” its most popular name.) Many of you are probably aware of statements made by the Founding Fathers that democracy cannot survive unless the citizens are educated and informed. They also believed that the republic they wished to build depended on a virtuous and ethical population. Madison said, “To suppose that any form of government will secure liberty or happiness without any virtue in the people is a chimerical idea.” Franklin believed the same: “Only a virtuous people are capable of freedom. As nations become corrupt and vicious, they have more need of masters. . . . Nothing is of more importance for the public weal than to form and train up youth in wisdom and virtue.” Washington and Jefferson made similar statements. The schools of that time practiced this philosophy. Moral instruction, grounded in Bible readings and study of moral lessons derived from Biblical sources, was as much a part of the curriculum as reading, writing, and arithmetic. In fact, this type of study was common in our country’s schools until the 1940’s, when religious moral instruction began to disappear because the Supreme Court finally began to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment, passed immediately after the Civil War, which made the states and their institutions, including schools, subordinate to the First Amendment, which prohibits government from establishing religion. But more on this in a moment.
I will assume, without belaboring the point, that everyone agrees that children must be taught proper moral behavior. Every great philosopher of education has said that virtue must be joined to learning, and have even put ethical instruction before practical instruction. This includes not only the ability to tell right from wrong, but also instruction in those values necessary to a happy and successful life, such as self-discipline, the ability to work hard, thrift, respect for the law, self-esteem, citizenship, responsibility, respect for the rights of others, courage of one’s convictions, obedience to proper authority, anticipating the consequences of one’s actions, honesty, tolerance, diligence, fairness, love of democracy and freedom, and many others. That citizens possess these values is obviously important for the success and happiness of society, as well as individuals. I think no one will disagree with me that both parents and society want such morals and values taught to children. I will also assume that everyone agrees that good morals and values are formally taught to children, not learned instinctively or informally (like bad habits), and that they will in all likelihood live un-virtuous and unhappy lives if they are not taught such things in some way. In this sense, then, character education exactly parallels practical education in those subjects, such as reading and writing, needed to live a full, productive, and satisfying life. Both types of education must be taught to children; they don’t learn these valuable attributes by instinct or by haphazard association with others.
If this is the case, why then has formal character education been almost eliminated from the public schools and relegated solely to the home, church, and parochial schools? There are two reasons, both based on mistaken assumptions by parents, teachers, and school officials. The first is the outrageous presumption that morals are intrinsically tied to religion, and that to teach morals you have to teach religion. The second is the mistaken notion that the Supreme Court, by outlawing the promotion of religion in public schools by organized prayer and Bible readings, has thereby also outlawed moral instruction in the public schools. Both of these beliefs are false.
You may recall President Reagan’s statement that “religion and politics are inseparably linked, because morality is the basis for politics and religion is the basis for morality.” With all due respect to the President, his argument for mixing religion and politics is grievously flawed. Morality can exist independently of religion and has done so for centuries. (I won’t discuss whether morality is the basis for politics!) The first great moral philosophers, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, based their ethical systems on the same things humanist philosophers do today: a happy conscience, a productive and successful life, and the harmonious working of society. No other rewards need be promised, and certainly no punishments need be threatened, if a person truly understands the value to oneself and society of living a virtuous life. Of course, there are a lot of psychological and emotional considerations in this process of internalizing a moral and value code, but I’m not going to discuss these here. Let me just state that a child can be taught to internalize a proper and worthwhile ethical code without reliance on religious authority , religious promises or threats, or instruction in religious justifications or history. I presume that everyone here is aware that all the values and morals we treasure today were known long before the time of Jesus, and that such ethical ideals developed independently in numerous cultures throughout history. Besides the numerous Greek and Roman moral philosophers, many of whom were humanists, there were the moral philosophers Confucius and Buddha. (These two were also humanists, but their philosophies were made into religions by their followers.)
Morality, therefore, is not connected to religion, and I might add that history has shown that religion is frequently opposed to morality, but we need not dwell on that topic. Since this is the case, the Supreme Court did not forbid formal moral instruction in the public schools when they stopped organized prayer and Bible reading. Nor, for that matter, did they remove religion from the schools. In the famous prayer case of 1963, the Supreme Court said that “one’s education is not complete without a study of comparative religion or the history of religion . . . when presented objectively as part of a secular program of education. . . .” What the Supreme Court removed was overt religious indoctrination. Let me briefly relate the history of this. As I said earlier, public schools in nineteenth and early twentieth century America were pervasively religious. Not only did they teach religious morals and values, they taught Protestant morals and values. Beginning in 1854 and continuing until 1929, there were dozens of cases concerning the indoctrination of religion in the public schools, all involving Catholics protesting the prevailing Protestant indoctrination. This situation forced the Catholics to build their own parochial school system.

STAKINGS DETAILS ON LEAGUES


*DRAWS;
Where in the various leagues where frequent draws occurs.
VENEZUELA – Segunda Division Clausura
URUGUAY – Clausura
GERMANY- Liga 3

* OVER (ABOVE 2 GOALS)
Where teams scores above two goals.
Germany – Oberliga Bremen

*OVER (MORE THAN 3 GOALS)
Where teams scores above two goals.
Denmark –danmenksserien group 2

* FAVOURITES USUALLY WINS
Where favourites wins a match.
Denmark – 3f Ligaen
Germany – oberliga Brem

* USUALLY FAVOURITES WINS
Where favourites that is tipped, wins a match.
Wales

* FOUR OR MORE GOALS
Where teams scores above four goals.
Denmark- 3f Ligaen
Denmark- danmarksserien Group 2
Andorra – 1 division

Self-management


Self-management
Self-management means different things in different fields:
• In business, education, self-management refers to methods, skills, and strategies by which individuals can effectively direct their own activities toward the achievement of objectives, and includes goal setting, decision making, focusing, planning, scheduling, task tracking, self-evaluation, self-intervention, self-development, etc. Also known as executive processes (in the context of the processes of execution).
• In the field of computer science, self-management refers to the process by which computer systems will (one day) manage their own operation without human intervention. Self-Management technologies are expected to pervade the next generation of network management systems.
• In the field of medicine and health care, self-management means the interventions, training, and skills by which patients with a chronic condition, disability, or disease can effectively take care of themselves and learn how to do so. Personal care applied to outpatients.
• In condominiums and housing co-operatives, it refers to apartment buildings or housing complexes that are run directly by the owners themselves, either through a committee structure, or through a Board of Directors that has management as well as executive functions.
• In political economy, economics and sociology, self-management may refer to a Self-managed economy, a type of socialist economic system that is based on various forms of collaborative, decentralized, inclusive decision-making and relative workplace autonomy in economic enterprises and the government.
Self-management may also refer to:
• Workers’ self-management – a form of workplace decision-making in which the employees themselves agree on choices (for issues like customer care, general production methods, scheduling, division of labor etc.) instead of the traditional supervisor telling workers what to do, how to do it and where to do it. This was the official development strategy of Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia. Workers self-management was promoted on all levels in society.
Self-managed Companies
Some business leaders have begun to structure their companies as either partially or fully self-managed. A fully self-managed company is one that imposes no formal hierarchical structure upon employees (in some cases, having no hierarchy whatsoever). Some companies (e.g. Google, famous for their 20 Percent Time , allow their employees to have free rein for a portion of their time, pursuing projects that they find interesting or promising without requiring consent or authorization from management.
IMPORTANCE OF SELF MANAGEMENT;
The word management is often associated with business or commercial managements by many of us. But, how our entire life turns out to be based on how we manage it
If you want to have a healthy life both physically and mentally, you should learn to manage yourself. Your body, mind, soul, emotions, situations, people, society, country and the whole world needs a skillful management.
Everyone speaks of stress management now but what is more important is self- management. Stress is caused when you deviate from your scheduled path. From clerks to managing directors say they have work stress. But, actually stress does not come from work, and it comes from your incompetence in your self management.
Life is not and accident and you should plan every inch of it and stick to your principles and values. Make life as joyous ride to achieve your goal.\
Showing your strength is not management but adjusting to the situations and emerging as a skillful person who fits into anything, whom under every employee feels themselves important is management.
Goal management in organizations
Organizationally, goal management consists of the process of recognizing or inferring goals of individual team-members, abandoning no longer relevant goals, identifying and resolving conflicts among goals, and prioritizing goals consistently for optimal team-collaboration and effective operations.
For any successful commercial system, it means deriving profits by making the best quality of goods or the best quality of services available to the end-user (customer) at the best possible cost. Goal management includes:
• Assessment and dissolution of non-rational blocks to success
• Time management
• Frequent reconsideration (consistency checks)
• Feasibility checks
• Adjusting milestones and main-goal targets
An organizational goal-management solution ensures that individual employee goals and objectives align with the vision and strategic goals of the entire organization. Goal-management provides organizations with a mechanism to effectively communicate corporate goals and strategic objectives to each person across the entire organization. The key consists of having it all emanate from a pivotal source and providing each person with a clear, consistent organizational-goal message. With goal-management, every employee understands how their efforts contribute to an enterprise’s success.